THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS , June 25th
1934
Third series of articles written in
the Western Mail
FEAR OF AN ECONOMIC
STORM IN GERMANY
---
By GARETH JONES
Ten days
ago I sat In a German train opposite a Storm Troop leader, and as we
sped towards the south I asked him: "What of the future?"
He drew
himself up, pointed to his black, white and red swastika armband and
shouted:
"That swastika is going to be the
symbol of Socialism as well as of nationalism. The future lies
with us people of the Left, and the day will come when we shall sweep
away the accursed remnants of the capitalists who are still ruling
Germany. The revolution is not yet at an end. The
money-makers, the big bankers, the manufacturers who live by crushing
the poor have to be mercilessly crushed. And we shall do it!"
GOAL STILL DISTANT
This Storm
Troop leader was typical of many hundreds of thousands of Nazis
throughout the country who see that, although Germany has been immersed
in a bath of the most thoroughgoing nationalism, the goal of Socialism
is as distant as ever. They note that Dr. Schacht is still
President of the Reichsbank, that a Right Wing Nationalist- Dr.
Schmidt-is still Economic Minister, and that the finances of the land
are controlled by a representative of the old ruling class-Count
Schwerin von Krosigk.
They see
that the large department stores of Berlin and the provincial cities,
against which they directed their most savage attacks, are still open
and underselling the little man in his little shop. They grumble
when they hear that their enemy, the aristocratic Prussian landowner,
has not lost a single yard of territory and is as firmly entrenched in
the Reichswehr as ever.
STILL COMMUNISTS
Indignant
at the capitalist domination in Germany, these Nazis of the Left Wing-or
National Bolsheviks, as they are sometimes called-are revolting against
the Right Wing. Among them are many men who have about as little
sympathy for National Socialism as a Berlin rabbi has; they are men who
are purely Communist in their outlook and who have merely joined the
Storm Troops for the sake of personal safety and advancement.
Rumour has it that many troops are mainly composed of Communists, and a
recent joke tells of two former Red Front fighters who met in a street.
Each wore a brand new Nazi uniform.
"How do you like it in your
Storm Troop?" asked one.
"Fine,"
replied the other. "All the men are just people after our heart.
There’s only one fellow I don’t like, and he’s the storm troop-leader.
As matter of fact, I believe he is a Nazi!"
MODERATES FEAR
If there is
discontent among the left wing Germans there is fear among the
moderates. This fear is mainly economic, and during my visit this
month I was surprised at the frankness with which people expressed their
forebodings of evil days to come.
In Berlin I
learned that numbers of people were now buying clothes and boots and
other goods for two reasons. The first was that they believed the
mark would fall and prices soar; the second that Germany might be cut
oft economically from the rest of the world, as a result of which it
would be difficult to import wool and other raw materials.
If this
happened, the argument ran, the quality of German goods would decline
and consumers would have to be content with the substitute wares of War
days.
The gravity
of the export situation was realised by everybody. How often did I
hear in Hamburg the words: "This great port is dead!"
Everywhere the drying up of foreign
currency resources was accepted as the proof that a grave economic storm
was threatening and might break very soon.
WHAT HITLER HAS DONE
The German
crisis is grave, and popular disillusion is considerable. Nevertheless,
Hitler has recognized many factors on his side. It is recognized
that he has restored order to public life and that he has put an end to
the political murders which were a stain on German life. He has in
the view of millions of Germans – banished the spectre of Bolshevism.
He has, through the German Youth, the Labour Camps, and the storm troops
contributed to the health, sturdiness, and discipline of the nation.
He has gained the respect of many by his person loyalty to friends.
He has abolished the petty differences between Saxons and Bavarians,
Württembergers and Prussians.
Moreover,
even the discontented Germans realise that the only alternatives to
Hitlerism are a dictatorship based upon the bayonets of Reichswehr or a
civil war.
Therefore,
in the present German crisis the factors on Hitler’s side should not be
under-estimated.
******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS, July 2nd 1934
BEHIND THE DRAMA OF
GERMANY
---
By GARETH JONES
The
intricacies of German politics and Hitler’s ruthless revenge against
revolters are to most people a tale told by an idiot, full of sound and
fury.
Who are
these Storm Troopers who rise against their leader? What is the
Reichswehr? Who is this General Schleicher who suddenly looms out
of the mists of the past to flit for one tragic moment across the stage
and to returns to an obscurity which will be eternal?
The Storm
Troopers are the three and a half million army of Hitler’s supporters
who were clothed in a brown uniform and were primarily political.
They were led by Capt. Roehm until Hitler entered Roehm’s house early on
Saturday morning and arrested the startled plotter. Roehm was a
military adventurer of low moral standard, but a brilliant organiser.
Brownshirts’ Discontent
These Storm
Troopers (Brownshirts), known also as the "S.A." men (not for their "Sex
Appeal," but because S.A. stood for "Storm Department") were composed of
the lower middle-class and unemployed supporters of Hitler.
Recently
there has been a wave of discontent among their ranks because the
Socialist era to which they had looked forward has seemed further away
than ever, and because the big capitalists, the financiers, the
proprietors of the large stores, and the aristocratic landowners are as
firmly in the saddle as they were before Hitler came. The
Communistically inclined Brownshirts well deserved their nickname of
"Beefsteaks") brown outside but red within).
Among the
leaders of the Brownshirts were thousands of military swash-bucklers who
since the War had wandered in search of adventure, had crushed the
workers in 1919, had marched upon Berlin in 1920 had volunteered to
slaughter Poles in 1921, and had blown up bridges with bombs when the
French marched into the Ruhr.
These men,
it appears, cast longing eyes at the Reichswehr, the regular army of
100,000 men, and, led by Roehm, longed to amalgamate the Brownshirts
with that magnificently trained body.
If the
Brownshirts could be absorbed into a great army, what jobs there would
be for these officers! What power there would be for Roehm!
But Hitler rejected their plan and took the advice of his War Minister.
A worse
blow for Roehm was to come, for Hitler was contemplating a reduction of
the Brownshirts, the cost of which was causing much nodding of heads at
the Treasury.
"Will I
lose my job? Will I lose my power?" Such are probably the
questions which Roehm and his Brownshirt leaders asked themselves.
This fear that the Brownshirt Army
would be thrown aside led Roehm to ally himself with the other
discontented element-namely, the left wing-and probably led him to
associate himself with General Schleicher.
Ambitions Baulked
Why
Schleicher? This general was not the reactionary he is sometimes
reputed to have been. He was definitely a Left Wing man who during
his Chancellorship flirted with the trade unions, had a vision of a
"socially ruled" empire, and was preparing to deal a smashing blow at
the big landowners when he was cast out of power.
Such were
probably the three ingredients in the plot which has failed-the baulked
ambitions of Storm Troop leaders, the bitter disillusion of the
"National Bolsheviks" and the Left Wing intrigue of the "Socialist
General."
The
plotters are dead. Roehm’s place has been taken by a man with whom
I lunched a year ago in the train between Berlin and Hanover - Victor
Lutze. I have rarely met a man who impressed me so much by his
ruthlessness, grim-ness, lack of humour and fanaticism.
He told me
how he had started. Storm Troop in the Ruhr 10 years earlier and
how he had a religious faith the ultimate triumph of Hitler. He
had a profound contempt for anything intellectual, a characteristic
which was also obvious from the unacademic tone of his language and the
naiveté of his ideas.
He will
certainly help Hitler in the effort to crush the opposition which will
one day again raise its head in Germany.
*******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS,
August 2nd 1934
THREE CATASTROPHES
IN A MONTH
From GARETH JONES
BERLIN, Wednesday.
"The
President, Field-marshal von Hindenburg is gravely ill. Herr
Hitler is on his way to the President’s estate in Neudeck, East Prussia,
and we are fearing the worst."
The German
diplomat who ponderously announced this news to me looked anxious and
wan, and wherever men and women heard that all hope for the President’s
life had been abandoned there was a glint of fear in their eyes.
To them it
was the latest of three catastrophes which have shaken Germany within
the short space of a month.
Out of the
blue on June 30 had come the ruthless stamping out of the Roehm revolt,
which destroyed not only the bodies of men but the soul of a movement,
and which has left rancor in the hearts of thousands of storm troopers.
A Crushing Defeat
On July 25,
the greatest ambition of the National Socialists in foreign affairs to
regain the soil of Austria, sacred to them not only for the Germanic
race of its countrymen, but for having brought to the world the Leader,
Hitler-was dashed to the ground and converted into a crushing defeat
which has humiliated them before the world [Assassination of Dolfuss in
failed Austrian Putsch]
Now comes
the third catastrophe, the fear of the disappearance of the strongest
link with the German past and of the most reasonable and restraining
force in German politics-Hindenburg.
For many
Germans it is a terrifying prospect because it will be a break with some
of the most glorious days of German history; with the solid bourgeois
virtues of pre-War days, and with the old Prussian conceptions of
honour, military justice, and duty.
Many
reflect that Hindenburg was a young lieutenant at the time of the
founding of the German Empire in 1871, and feel that with his death
there will pass an era which, in spite of its militarism, has had
admirable qualities.
With
Hindenburg’s death there will probably be a renewed struggle for power,
more bitter, I believe, than before in the history of National Socialism
in Germany. It was due to Hindenburg’s personal influence that
many posts in certain Ministries, such as the Foreign Office and the War
Ministry, were in the hands of Nationalists-conservative men who have
been revolted by the excesses of the revolutionaries in the national
Socialist party.
It has been
largely due to Hindenburg’s influence that many of the Ministers have
not been National Socialists, although they have paid lip service to its
ideals and to its leaders.
With
Hindenburg’s passing the fight for these posts will begin. Young
Nazis, feeling themselves deprived of power and pay by the continuance
of the Conservatives in privileged places, will seek to capture those
prizes of authoritative posts which are now withheld from them.
Banner of Monarchy
The Right
Wing will probably make a vigorous fight, and perhaps will win, because
they have the Army and the Steel Helmets on their side. They will,
perhaps, wave the banner of Monarchy, and will greet the return of the
Kaiser or of another of the Hohenzollerns.
These are only suppositions and no one
can foretell future events here. But of the two elements,
revolutionary Nazis seeking power, and the Conservatives, it is probable
that the Conservatives will win. Upon the struggle the publication
of Hindenburg’s political testament will have a great influence.
Mutual Hatred
In the
struggles between Left and Right the S.S. men (black uniformed elite of
the Storm Troopers) will range’ themselves with the Army and the Steel
Helmets. These S.S. men have won the enmity of thousands of the
Brownshirts, and I believe that the mutual hatred will grow.
What of
Hindenburg’s successor? It is possible that the great old man has been
the last President; that there will not again be a Presidential
election, and that Hitler will make himself "Leader."
******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS, August 3rd
1934
FRANCE DOES NOT
EXPECT WAR AT PRESENT
Looking to the Friendship of Italy
NAZI-FASCIST HONEYMOON ENDS
By GARETH JONES
(By Mail)
"THE murder
of Dollfuss is the most tense moment in European history since the shot
rang out at Sarajevo in July 1914.
As the
night express speeds along on that fateful stretch from Paris to Berlin
I reflect upon these words of a French friend of mine.
The scene
for these reflections is the most suitable in all Europe, for looking
out of the window I have watched the wheat stacks of Northern France
just as they were in the July days which shook the world.
Names of
towns and places which once had little paper flags stuck into them in
thousands of maps in Britain flashed past as we sped by: "Saint Quentin!
Le Cateau! Compiège!"
The train
has now stopped in a city which, 20 years ago, was destined to enjoy
only three or four days of calm before hearing the thud of shell-Liege.
TWO DECADES AGO
The lights
of Liege and the name of the next station-Namur-bring vividly to mind my
boyhood impressions of shock and excitement at the events which occurred
exactly two decades ago, and I seek to sum up my thoughts in Paris
during the last few days of diplomatic activity.
By a grim
coincidence the streets of Paris have heard again the same whispers of "C’est
la guerre!" the same dread of the future has been visible as people have
read the news, and the rumblings of the approaching storm have resounded
from the same easterly direction as they did in 1914.
There is
one fundamental difference, however, between the Paris of 1914 and the
Paris of 1934. Whereas in 1914 the terror of the near future
struck the rulers of France as deeply as the people, to day the people
are alarmed, but the soldiers and the politicians are calm.
"There will
be war," say the waiters and the barbers and the shopkeepers.
"There will
be no War soon," say the officia1s and the diplomats. And I am convinced
that the latter are right.
Why will there be no war
soon?
HITLER’S ISOLATION
The French,
with their usual logic and reason reply that Hitler is in too weak, a
position internationally. He is isolated and has the armed forces
of France, Poland, and Czechoslovakia encasing him like a steel
strait-jacket.
The French
rubbing their hands with glee see that Hitler’s foreign policy has been
a whirlwind of blunders, retreats, cajoleries, threats, flirtations,
embraces and gestures, culminating in catastrophe. They feel
malicious pleasure in the discomfiture of the little man with the
Austrian accent, whose one dream-to unite his humorous, lackadaisical,
and lovable fellow-countrymen with the more disciplined millions of the
German Reich - has by the failure of the Vienna coup been converted into
a nightmare of the most terrifying order.
How can
Hitler make war, the French argue, when he is faced by millions of
workers crying for bread-by even potatoes going on strike and the wheat
stalks refusing to obey Goering’s orders?
And their
eyes twinkle at the idea that, however much the Nazi Brown-shirts may
shout their commands, and however much the Ministry of Propaganda may
broadcast inspiring orations, Mother Earth will be as recalcitrant this
harvest as any Communist, and refuse to Germany the gifts she is
accustomed to bring.
If in a
moment of argumentative obstinacy one still pursues the question and
asks: "Will not Hitler declare war to rally the nation around him?" the
intelligent Frenchman will nod his head in negation and say, "knows that
a war means the end of his régime. He remembers that war brought
Bolshevism to Russia and that it destroyed the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
He is fully aware of the strength of Communism in his own country.
Thus we French who are in the know are calm."
This
calmness is re-assuring, but it is only the calmness of the man who
fears no storm to-morrow, but dreads an earthquake in a few years’ time.
The independence of Belgium, the lights of whose towns I can see from
the train window as we leave Liege, has given way as the main cause of
war to the independence of another little land - Austria.
WOULD FRANCE MARCH
Perhaps the
violation of the Belgian frontier was a dangerous forerunner of a
European war fought for the independence of Austria. Will we ever
hear the familiar strain of "Gallant Little Austria?" And if
Germany got control of Austria by external force or internal revolution,
would France march?
Upon this
question depends largely the peace of Europe. All countries have
been lavish in their declarations to defend the integrity of Austria,
but these have sounded very much like the promises of candidates for
Parliament.
Would
France really fight if Austria became united with Germany?
I asked
that question of many friends in Paris, and their replies reminded me of
Bismarck’s statement that the Balkans were not worth the bones of single
Pomeranian soldier.
"Spill my
blood for some hundreds of thousands of Viennese waltzers?
Certainly not!" cried one Parisian, almost spilling his coffee with
indignation.
"We will fight to the death if we are
attacked," said another, "but we will not go to war for the independence
of Austria, even though it be one of the main columns of our foreign
policy."
LET MUSSOLINI DO IT!
And the
third touched the crux of the matter when he said: "Let Mussolini do the
business. We’ll stay out."
This last
remark, I believe, hints at the main reason for the calm of the French
Foreign
Office. With what delight the French read the vituperative attacks
which the Italians are making upon the Nazis! How they chuckle
when they repeat aloud an article in the Rome "Messagero," said to be
inspired by Mussolini, which states: "You cannot deal twice on terms of
moral, equality with someone who has broken with such cynicism the laws
of honour!"
They see
that the spectre of a German-Italian alliance has fleeted away and that
the Nazi-Fascist honeymoon has in a short time led to separation after
scenes of violence and hate.
WILL MELT LIKE SNOW
They
realise that Italy will be forced to seek the friendship of France and
that, hey presto! those quarrels about battleships in the Mediterranean;
those sharp words about Italians in Tunisia, and those suspicious
glances at troops massing on the Italo-French frontier will all melt
like the snow on the Alpes Maritimes. Soft compliments between
Rome and Paris will fall deep as the leaves in Vallambrosa.
Thus, grave
as are the events of Austria, they have their compensations to
politically-minded Frenchmen. But these compensations-such as the
friendship of Italy-are still not enough, and France will not rest until
she has built up a collective system based on armed force which will
secure her against war.
*******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS, August 8th
1934
THE FORCES THAT ARE
MENACING HITLER
GERMANY ASKING "CAN HE LAST?"
The Fear of Hunger
Heavy Hand of Tyranny
AUSTRIA ACCEPTS VON PAPEN
ALL
Germany is asking the question, "Can Hitler Last?" writes Mr. Gareth
Jones, the special "Western Mail and South Wales News" correspondent,
from Berlin.
"Some of the most ancient
and powerful forces in the world" are menacing Hitler, including the
Fear of hunger; Revolt against tyranny; Opposition of the Roman Catholic
Church; Communist and Socialist underground propaganda
On Hitler’s side is the
Army. This is his trump card, but he can play it only so long as
the real power rests with the Army - that is, General von Blomberg, the
Minister of Defence.
The appointment of Herr von Papen as German Minister to Austria was
agreed to at an Austrian Cabinet meeting last night, the Cabinet having
received satisfactory assurances from Hitler.
GRAIN HARVEST 25 PER CENT. DOWN
By GARETH JONES
BERLIN, Tuesday.
The beating
of the drums and the strains of the funeral band around Hindenburg’s
grave have died away. Millions of Germans will to day look at
their pictures of Hitler, with his fanatical eyes and that strange
unbalanced glance, and ask, "Can he last?"
The same
question will be asked throughout the world by diplomats and
politicians, many of whom have recently, in Paris or London, been
prophesying Hitler’s downfall before October.
Can Hitler
last? When he stands as the Leader of Germany, with more power than any
other ruler in the world, will the storm-winds which are now howling in
Europe send him crashing to the ground or will those forces which are on
his side maintain him on his throne of omnipotence?
Enemy No. 1
Against him
there are fighting some of the most ancient and most powerful forces in
the world. His first enemy is the enemy which has damaged so
gravely bread.
When I
looked out of the train on the journey through Prussia I noticed how
sparse the crops were. Students of agriculture estimate that
Germany’s harvest of grain this year is nearly 25 per cent. less than
last year. The potato fields have yielded little, and potatoes are
the staple food of masses of the population. Hence the fear that
rationing cards will soon be introduced.
Prices are
soaring, and housewives return from the market with less food in their
baskets and no change from the little housekeeping money their husbands
can give them
Adverse
food conditions, therefore, will be Hitler’s first enemy.
Spiritual Forces
But he has
against him, also, forces which derive from the spirit. The
intellectuals are voicing their criticisms of the régime’s tyranny.
They are in agreement with Von Papen’s plea for liberty of thought and
of expression in his Marburg speech. They are ashamed of the
excesses of the Nazi régime and of the shame of Germany before the
world. But, alas! the German cultured citizens have
not the courage and the independence of their counterparts in Britain,
and their voices will not carry far.
More powerful will be the opposition
of the Roman Catholic Church, to which belongs more than one-third of
the German population. Revolted by the murder of leading Catholics and
priests, and by the betrayal by Hitler of his agreement with Rome, the
Catholics will be a force of more than passive resistance against
Hitler.
The Protestants
The
Protestants are as antagonised as the Catholics. Their voices are
hushed, for no newspaper is allowed to publish the views of the
Protestant opposition, but beneath the surface they are fighting for
their rights.
What of the
working class? Among its ranks are the most embittered enemies of
Hitler, and the Communists and Socialists are carrying on a courageous
underground battle against the régime.
In spite of
the vigilence of the secret police, many Communist and Socialist
newspapers are published or smuggled in across the frontier and passed
quietly from hand to hand.
When Hitler
looks out beyond his own frontier he sees the catastrophic effects of
his foreign policy-the hatred of Italy, the murder of Dollfuss, the
strengthening of Soviet Russia’s diplomatic position, and the alienation
of the sympathies of all civilised peoples because of the barbarities of
National-Socialism.
Discipline and Unity
Such are
the forces fighting against Hitler. Powerful as they are, I do not
think them strong enough to lead in the near future to Hitler’s
downfall. They are scattered, unorganised forces. They are
unarmed and nave not the discipline or the spirit of revolution nor the
unity to make war on Hitler. All the discipline and the unity and
the ruthlessness are on Hitler’s" side, and it is these three
characteristics which count in Germany to-day.
The Army is
now Hitler’s trump card and the oath of a German soldier of the Regular
Army is not to be lightly esteemed. General von Blomberg, the real
master of his country, finds it in his interest to maintain Hitler as a
symbol of unity, and I see no reason why the Army should throw Hitler
overboard, for Hitler is now carrying out precisely the Right-Wing
policy favoured by the soldiers, the industrialists, and the landowners.
As long as
Hitler carries out this conservative policy, General von Blomberg will,
I believe, do all he can to keep the Army on Hitler’s side. If
Hitler tries revolutionary experiments, however, a sharp word of warning
that the Army is against him wilt soon make him realise the Army, rather
than the real leader of Germany.
The Firebrand
"In six
months’ time," said a German to me, "Hitler may only have 10 per cent.of
the power and Blomberg may be the real dictator behind the scenes.
But it will be Hitler who will remain as But revolutionary elements are
certain to raise their heads again among the Storm Troopers, and
Goebbels, the firebrand, may fight for an extreme policy. In such
a case I believe that Hitler will purge the Nazi party ruthlessly of
Left-Wing elements, and that perhaps will bring about Goebbels’s
downfall.
A
repetition of the June 30 massacre is quite possible if the
revolutionaries of the Storm Troopers regard Hitler as a traitor to the
Socialistic side of the party programme.
With the
Army behind him Hitler seems politically strong. Even his economic
difficulties have been exaggerated. The coming winter will be
terrible, it is true, but reports that the shortage of foreign currency
and the inability to import raw materials will bring about an economic
collapse are, it seems, false. Germany has imported such large
amounts of raw materials this year that she has stocks which can last
for many months. "Even if I do not import a single pound’s worth
of raw materials my factory can go on working for a long time with the
supplies I have stored up," said one industrialist to me.
What, then,
of the future? It seems that the forces fighting for Hitler are
more powerful, more united, and better armed than the forces against
Hitler.
Unless he
falls a victim to the mediæval wave of political assassinations which
has swept across Europe, he will probably be the figurehead of a
military dictatorship.
a symbol of nationalism."
That German may be right.
*******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS, August 10thd 1934
---
By Gareth Jones
VIENNA August 8th.
Three soldiers in steel helmets standing
near a machine-gun, a lorry full of police with rifles
rushing past; armed men on every corner, and a grim grey
building from whose windows a few prisoners looked
out-such was the scene that confronted me this morning
when I penetrated the forbidden zone of Vienna.
“You must not stand still here,” shouted
a soldier to me as I inquisitively stared at the muzzle
of the machine gun and I moved away out of the
barricaded area to a quieter part of the city.
In this forbidden zone is the prison
where the Nazis who entered the Chancellery and took
part in the murder of Dollfuss are now being carefully
guarded. It was only my British passport which enabled
me to stroll through those empty watched streets. Had I
been an Austrian the police and the soldiers would have
turned me away, for they fear two things-a raid by the
anti-Nazi Heimwehr (Austrian Fascist Army under Prince
Starbemberg) who might attempt to take revenge upon the
murderers of Dollfuss, or an attack by fanatical Nazis
who might try to rescue their captured comrades.
Crowded With Armed Men
A few streets further on I passed the
German Embassy and again I saw police with rifles.
Indeed, Vienna is crowded with armed men, for the city
is still under martial law. Troops march past the hotel
window; Heimwehr lads, with bunches of feathers in their
grey-green caps, parade before the Opera House; and the
purple shirts of the Catholic troops (Ostmärkische
Sturmscharen) add colour to the Viennese streets.
These troops gave a superficial
impression of strength and loyalty to the Dollfuss
régime, but beneath the surface there is no land so
tragically torn by dissension and so flaming with hatred
and with the longing for revenge as Austria today.
Dollfuss
The assassination of Dollfuss has moved
the Viennese as no other event. Their sympathy has,
however, been for a man who had many admirable and
lovable traits, and not for his policy. They remember
his simplicity and his kindness, and several people have
wept before me when talking of his death.
One working man told me how he had talked
to Dollfuss a week before Ins death, when they were
strolling in a park. The worker had forbidden his child
to play with the Dollfuss children. But the Chancellor
had said, “Why should they not play together? I am only
a peasant’s son, and I shall die just like any other
man.”
In spite of the deep human feeling which
has been felt for Dollfuss, there is strong opposition
within the country to the policy which his Government
has pursued and which Herr Schuschnigg, the new
Chancellor, is pursuing.
Socialist Grievances
The Socialists, who once ruled over all
Vienna and built the magnificent workers’ flats of that
city, have not forgiven the Government for the brutal
bombardment of the Karl Marxhof in February; for the
torture of many prisoners; for the breaking of promises
to some of those captured; for the imprisonment of men
without trial, and for the introduction of a dictatorial
régime.
Some of the Socialists have gone over to
the National-Socialists, and few will forgive the
brutality of the present régime or the imprisonment of
thousands of workers in concentration camps throughout
the country.
The Nazis are strong throughout the
country, although the savagery of the murder of Dollfuss
and the failure of the secret Storm Troopers to rise
through the country have caused a set-back, but, I
believe, a temporary set-back. They can rally to their
side all those thousands who hate the influence of
Mussolini.
“I fought against the Italians during the
War. They are our enemies. Why should they dictate to
Austria?” asked a Viennese. “They are just using us
Austrians for their own purpose. I hate Mussolini and
his schemes.”
Flight of South Tyrolese
They can win the support of those who
boil at the ill-treatment of the South Tyrolese by the
Italians. In spite of Mussolini’s promises, the plight
of this South Tyrol minority under Fascist rule is
tragic.
The Nazis have the support of the
university men, professors, and students, and have many
intellectuals in their ranks. Thousands of peasants in
Carinthia and Styria are said to be on the side of the
Nazis, and to be longing for a closer union with
Germany.
Therefore, I do not find among the
population such a passion for Austrian independence as
is claimed by many Italian and French writers. The
racial and economic magnetism of Germans cannot be
destroyed even by such a dastardly crime as the killing
of Dollfuss.
Army’s Jealousy
The strength of the Nazis and of the
Socialists has undermined confidence in the police and
the army, which has not been wholly restored by the
loyalty of these forces during the events following the
Dollfuss murder. The army is jealous of the Heimwehr,
and the relations between the Heimwehr and the Catholic
troops are sometimes strained.
Although Dollfuss died for his country,
Austria still presents a picture of bitterness,
conflict, and brotherly strife. Few foresee a period of
calm. Some believe that the Socialists, who are working
underground, will again rise against the dictatorship.
Others believe that the present Government will have a
rapprochement with Germany.
The Government has one trump card,
however, and that is the dread that Italian troops will
march and occupy Austria if the Nazis come into power.
“Mussolini will march. It is no bluff.”
Those are phrases one hears from well-informed people.
Fear of Italian invasion may keep the present régime in
power.
If World-War Comes
“It a world-war comes it will begin by
Italian troops marching into Austria to prevent the
union of Austria and Germany,” stated one expert. “If
the Italians march the Yugoslavs will send their troops
into Austria to prevent themselves being cut off from
the north by Italian troops and prevent the Italians
joining hands with the Hungarians and blocking
Yugoslavia from all contact with Austria or with
Germany.” Austria has therefore become the storm-centre
of Europe and its most dangerous part is the region
where Italy, Austria, and Yugoslavia almost meet. That
province, Carinthia, is regarded as the first
battlefield of a European war, if another breaks out.
I shall investigate on the spot
conditions in the zone which Austrians regard as
the fighting ground of the future. |
|
******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS, August 14th
1934
"SACRED CRUSADE" TO
UNITE AUSTRIA WITH GERMANY"
---
Carinthians Talk of Noble Nazi Rising
By Gareth Jones
KLAGENFURT, Carinthia.
" IF you
wish to see how strong the Nazis are in Austria," said a politician to
me in a Viennese café, "go to Carinthia in the south and walk in the
districts where there was bloodshed a few days ago."
Some hours
later I entered the night Rome express in the south station of Vienna,
which is now guarded by soldiers with bayonets fixed, and was soon
speeding towards the valleys and mountains of south Austria.
When dawn
came after I had spent a sleepless night on hard third-class benches, I
looked out to see dark blue mountains rising out of whitish mists, rows
of vine upon slopes facing the sun and ancient castles standing like
Carreg Cennen on abrupt cliffs overlooking the river.
Towns whose
names were familiar to me because severe fighting had taken place there
after the murder of Dollfuss looked tranquil in the morning sun, as if
never a shot had ever disturbed their peace. I saw Saint Veit,
into which within the past fortnight 500 Nazis marched, occupied the
Town hall, hoisted the swastika flag, and tore down from the church the
banners of mourning for Dollfuss. They had held the town until
next morning, when they were bombarded by artillery and had to escape,
leaving behind them between 40 and 50 dead.
In the
morning grey we passed the town which, by a curious coincidence, bears
the name of the Welsh castle Saint Donat. Not long ago brother had
shot against brother in its old-fashioned streets.
AN IMPORTANT QUESTION
At half
past five in the morning I left the train and descended in the capital
of Carinthia, Klagenfurt.
"How strong
are the Nazis in this province?" I asked myself. It is an
important question for the Government of Austria and for the future of
Europe, because if the Nazis are really strong they may overthrow the
present Government, which stands for the independence of Austria, and
unite their country with Germany, with grave consequences for the
world’s peace.
To try to
answer this question I made for the countryside, and by 10 o’clock I was
swinging along a road lined by vast sunflowers nine feet high, near
fields sprinkled blue with cornflowers and purple with vetch, and
beneath lofty mountains, the tops of which were hidden in clouds.
I passed the grayish-brown River Drave, which rushes into Yugoslavia,
joins the Danube, and then enters the Black Sea. Through a stretch
of pine trees and firs I walked and came out into the open again, where
maize and sunflowers grew.
An old
peasant was working by the roadside. "Ay, what a time we have had
here," he moaned. "On this very road by my house the Nazis came.
Their shots whizzed past our house, and we just stayed inside, terrified
to move. They marched from that village over there towards the
station."
PRISONS FULL OF NAZIS
"And are there many Nazis
here?" I asked.
"Many
Nazis, indeed!" he grunted. "They’re nearly all Nazis, but now the
prisons are full of them. Why, there’s one village I know just
near where there are only three men left. All the others have been
taken or have fled across the border into Yugoslavia. Fools, I
call them, to rise when the harvest is on. What are politicians,
anyway, compared with the harvest? If they’d only give us back our
Emperor Franz Joseph again we’d all be happy,"
A quarter
of a mile further on the village began. Everywhere were notices
printed in large black letters:
Declaration
of Martial Law, From July 26 all houses must be closed at eight o’clock.
The soldiers and police have been instructed to make immediate use of
their rifles, when necessary.
I made my
way past old-fashioned houses, painted yellow, pink, and light green,
with red flowers in masses in each windowsill, until I came to the house
of the Mayor. Here, I thought, I will find a man bitterly opposed
to the Nazis, a man who will treat them as rebels. My astonishment
was great when I was taken into a room where the Mayor, a tall but bent
man who looked like a gentleman farmer, was. talking with the old
headmaster of the village school.
When I heard
the remark, "The Nazis who rose here were not rebels or terrorists.
It was a noble rising of the people," I was bewildered. Here was
the chief representative of authority supporting the rebels.
SPIRIT NOT CRUSHED
"Ninety per
cent. of the young people are Nazis here," said the Mayor.
"Ninety-nine per cent." interrupted the headmaster, "if they could vote.
I wish you could talk with my son, but he is in prison. He has
been found innocent of bloodshed and yet he is still there without
trial."
"If I
cannot talk with your son, I should like to talk with some young
people," I said.
"Young
people!" The Mayor laughed ironically. "They’re all in
prison because they are Nazis. But I’ll tell you what the young
people want and what they will fight for again - union with Germany.
We are determined to have it.
"The murder of Dollfuss, much as we
deplore it, has not crushed the: spirit of our young men. There
will be more revolts, more fighting, more bloodshed, for Austria will
not have rest until we have joined with our German brothers to the
north."
WHY REVOLT FAILED
At this
point I asked an indiscreet question: "If the Nazis are so strong as you
state, why did the rising fail so miserably?"
"Machine
guns!" snapped out the Mayor. "They sent in troops and Heimwehr men from
outside, but one day they will not be able to crush the Nazis so
easily."
The Mayor
revealed to me the desires of the peasants, who are nearly all in favour
of the union (Anschluss) with Germany. They know that prices for
agricultural products and for timber are higher in Germany than in
Italy. Their suffering has been so great in Austria that they look
upon distant Germany as a kind of paradise where all peasants prosper.
Propaganda
has been smuggled in across the frontiers and the peasants are ready to
believe all the stories of happiness and wealth which they read of in
Germany.
When I left
the Mayor and the schoolmaster they said, "Tell the world that Austria
wants to be united with Germany and does not want to be the prisoner of
Italy."
ONE NATION
I made my
way to the village inn to enjoy in the open-air that famous Austrian
dish "Wiener Schnitzel" and the coffee which is delicious in even the
most remote valleys. At the next table sat two Viennese boys about
11 years of age. We talked of aeroplanes and skyscrapers, of
kings, emperors, and of soldiers.
"What do
you think of the Germans?" I asked.
One of them
replied boldly: "The Germans and the Austrians have the same tongue and
are one nation!"
A few
moments later the waitress came. "Hitler is one of the greatest
men that ever lived. Only he can save Austria! she said.
As I was
sipping my coffee a fair-haired young man came to me and said:
"The Mayor
sent me to you. I am almost the only young man in this village who
is not in prison, because I was away when the rising took place. I
tell you that we young men will never be crushed. We will fight to
the death for union with Germany.
"I have
been in Styria, in the Tyrol, and here in Carinthia, and the same spirit
is inspiring the young men today as inspired William Tell in Switzerland
and Adreas Hofer, our hero from the Tyrol. The machine-guns of the
present dictatorship will not keep us down."
THE FANATIC
His serious
blue eyes revealed the earnestness, the intolerance, and the courage of
the fanatic. But Europe today is full of such fanatics,
In spite of
his views, would not the strength of Roman Catholicism keep the
Government in power? I reflected. Surely a régime supported
by the Pope, such as the present Austrian régime, would be upheld by a
pious Roman Catholic people like the’ Austrians? I asked him these
questions.
His reply
was one I had been surprised to hear from a number of people in Austria:
"I am a Roman Catholic, but, like thousands of those of my faith, I hate
the way the Vatican is carrying out the policy of Italy.
"The Vatican has lost everywhere
during the past few years - in Russia, in Spain, in Germany, and
elsewhere, and now it wants to maintain power in at least one Roman
Catholic State, and that is Austria. The Vatican is Italian in
spirit and Italian in its foreign aims." Nothing he believe-not
even the Church - could keep Germany and Austria apart for ever, and
there were hundreds of thousands of men like himself who would die to
bring about the union.
REFLECTIONS
As I had
said good-bye to him, wondering as we parted whether he would be killed
in another Nazi rising or whether he would, indeed, play a part in a
Nazi Austria, I reflected on the conversations I had had.
I talked to
more peasants and workers. Everywhere I found that in this part of
Austria the desire for union with Germany had become a kind of sacred
crusade, and that even the murder of Dollfuss had not discredited
National-Socialism for long.
And as the
evening haze fell over the mountains I asked myself: "If Austria becomes
united with Germany, will not the Italians march into this very region,
and will that not lead to a European War?"
That question I shall seek
to answer in my next article.
******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES
NEWS, August 15th 1934.
WHERE WAR MAY COME FROM
Austro-Yugoslavian-Italian Frontier
SITUATION SIMILAR TO THAT OF 1914
By GARETH JONES
KLAGENFURT (By Air Mail).
I HAVE just
motored across the Italian border and it is packed with troops."
An excited
motorcyclist shouted this to the clerks on the other side of the counter
at the travel agency in this Austro-Yugoslavian frontier town, where I
was buying my ticket to Italy.
"I was
stopped by soldiers every few minutes," he exclaimed. "I saw tanks
and big guns and regiments with armoured cars. There are thousands
of men there."
"Will they
march if there is trouble?" I asked, joining in the
conversation. "March! They’re ready to march at any moment. It’s
no bluff he replied.
The head of
the travel agency, a calm, elderly man, broke in and said slowly: "Then
Carinthia will be seat of war and Klagenfurt will be the battleground.
For the Yugoslavs will send their troops here. If the Italians
march it means another European war."
I inquired
where the Yugoslavs would be likely to enter Austria should the Italians
march, and being told that this was the strategic point came here by
train. And I sit in Yugoslav territory. Soldiers from Serbia in
grey uniforms are washing themselves in the stream nearby. A few
yards away is a railway on which 20 years ago thousands of Austrian
troops were being transported to crush the Serbs. The high
mountains, which form the border on Yugoslavia and Austria, except at
low-lying point, stand to the south, and I am talking to the Austrian
frontier guard, the Yugoslav Customs official, and an Austrian Nazi.
"At Their Mercy"
This
peaceful frontier is the very point where Yugoslav (Serbs, Croats and
Slovenes) soldiers might pour into Austria if the Italian troops crossed
the border.
"But why
should you Yugoslavs wish to march into Austria?" I asked the Yugoslav
Customs official.
"You have a
map there," he says, "let me show you. If Austria decides to join
Germany, then Italy will send in troops to prevent it. They will
cross by the pass near Tarvis and will take the military road, known as
the Packroad which passes through Carinthia and Styria and unites the
Italians with their allies, the Hungarians.
"Along that
route the Italians will march through Villach, Klagenfurt, and Graz.
What then? If they do that, we Yugoslavs are at their mercy.
We shall be cut off from the North of Europe, cut off from Germany,
Czechoslovakia, and Poland, and we shall be like a nut in the nutcracker
of our enemy, Italy. That we shall never allow. That is why
there are several regiments stationed now within two or three miles of
where you are sitting."
Thus if the
Italians occupy Austria these quiet meadows filled with flowers and the
pinewoods around will echo to the tramp of soldiers’ feet, and those
Yugoslav soldiers who are now singing their folk-songs a few yards away
will be loading their rifles in real warfare.
Hatred of Italy
What will
the Austrians do? I do not think that they will remain quiet.
Although the present Government relies upon the friendship and help of
Italy and is closely bound with Mussolini, there is among the population
bitter hatred of Italy and a fear Italian domination. They
remember that Italy was their ally in 1914 yet came into the war against
them. They know that in the South Tyrol Italians are mishandling their
fellow Austrians. The consequences of the Italians entering
Austria might, therefore, be grave.
It is not
certain that the Yugoslavs would enter Austria. It is possible
that their internal troubles, the severe dictatorship and the rumblings
of discontent among the Croats would keep their troops away from
Austria.
It is
possible that the French would use pressure upon their ally, the
Yugoslavs, to prevent them from marching into Carinthia.
Nevertheless, most people on this border believe they would march.
In some
respects the situation is similar to that of 1914 in that the
independence of a small country is the issue, and the crisis is in the
same region. If Austria succeeds in maintaining her independence,
however, no crisis will arise and the Italian troops will remain at
home.
What of
Italy? I shall cross the Austro-Italian frontier at the strategic
point of Tarvis and shall report on my findings.
*******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES
NEWS, August 16th 1934
ITALY’S BIG GUNS
POINT TOWARDS AUSTRIA
Hatred of Germany Bordering on Hysteria
---
By GARETH JONES
TRIESTE, Italy.
Flashes of lightning streak
across the Adriatic. Vague outlines of sailing craft glide through the
darkness of the bay, while to the north a searchlight reveals every few
seconds the red, white, and green funnel of a giant Italian liner.
Here where I sit, in the
principal square, rival orchestras clash with each other to allure the
hundreds of Italians who stroll towards the quays.
Such is Trieste, the port
which makes Italy the Mistress of the Adriatic. It is here that I
wish to sum up my threefold impressions since my arrival in Italy from
the Austrian province of Carinthia.
My first impression is
troops, troops, troops. As soon as the train had crossed the pass
from Austria and had arrived at the frontier station of Tarvis (a name
which may well be important in the future, for Tarvis and the Brenner
Pass are the two main entries from Italy into Austria) I saw in the pine
forests for miles along the railway track hundreds upon hundreds of
camouflaged tents of curious square shape like bathing tents painted
grey, green, a dirty orange, and a smudged red. The smoke of many
camp fires hovered over the woods and Italian soldiers looked up at the
passing express and waved. In fields numerous powerful military
lorries stood, as it ready at any moment to plunge into the foreign land
a few miles away, while big guns waited near, pointing towards Austria.
From village inns the men
in their green-grey uniforms would come out in laughing groups of three
or four and watch the workers who were rapidly constructing a new road
leading directly to the frontier.
As the train descended the
valley was bordered by fortresses which showed signs of activity.
About two hours later we
were in the plain, and the region filled with troops lay to the east, an
idyllic range of mountains shining in the evening sun.
HATRED OF GERMANY
A dark, excitable Italian -
an important Fascist of the district - entered my compartment, and when
I talked with him I gathered vividly my second impression of Italy
to-day, an impression of a way of hatred of Germany which borders on
hysteria, and which is leading to a revolution in Italian foreign
policy.
What gestures of passion!
How vehemently his eyes flashed at the very mention of Germany!
Like a Machine-gun spitting out fire he exclaimed: "Germany! The Germans
are savages. Hitler is a barbarian. Mussolini will never forgive
him, because he has broken all his promises. The murder of
Dollfuss has ended for ever and ever my friendship, we had for the
Germans."
I described to him the
Italian troops I had seen on the frontier. His face gleamed with
pride. "They will march, too," he declared, "the very moment
Austria becomes Nazi and joins with Germany. We have 40,000
soldiers ready. The way they were mobilised was wonderful.
The men were working everywhere at the harvest, but Mussolini had only
to give the word, and, presto! in a couple of hours they were travelling
full speed towards Tarvis!"
WAR FEARS SCORNED
Fears of a future European
war which might arise out of a union of Austria with Germany and out of
the entry of Italian troops into Austria troubled me again. Would
not Germany send troops or aeroplanes into Austria to stop the Italians?
Would not the Yugoslavs do the same? Surely the Italian policy
would be the height of criminal madness, precipitating a European war?
I expressed my doubts to the Fascist.
With that omniscience which
characterises Nazis, Bolsheviks, and Fascists, he dismissed my
objections with scorn. "European war!" he laughed. "We’ll just
walk in, that’s all. The Germans will not prevent us; they are too
weak. We could crush them. They have a hostile France on one
side and a hostile Poland at their back."
"But the Yugoslavs?" I
rejoined.
"They are too weak and
uncivilised. France will settle with them, and our way into
Austria will be clear."
This optimism is certainly
dangerous on the Italian side, but it is perhaps warranted by the new
friendship between the Italians and the French.
"France must be our ally,"
declared the Fascist. "It would settle everything to have an
alliance with France. She is a great nation, she is powerful; our
differences could be easily settled. We would then not need to
quarrel about our navies in the Mediterranean; but France should give us
land in Africa to colonise."
M. Barthou, the French
Foreign Minister, is coming to see Mussolini in September and I have the
impression that the result of their talks will be a cementing of
Italo-French, friendship and another blow at Hitler.
TRIESTE THE CLUE
At this point of our
conversation the brilliant lights along the Trieste shore appeared and
we were approaching what was once the great port of the Austro-Hungarian
Empire and the link between Central Europe and the East. After the
War Trieste became Italian and now it plays a vital part in Italian
policy.
My final impression is that
Trieste is a clue to Italy’s policy of maintaining the Independence of
Austria. The Italians fear that if Austria joins with Germany the
Germans will cast longing eyes at the port of Trieste, in the same way
as the Russians coveted Constantinople before the War.
An independent little
Austria is no danger to Trieste. Therefore, the Italians by recent
agreement have allowed Austria a free harbour in Trieste, where the
Austrians pay no customs duties and have extra-territorial rights.
Italy’s fight for the
independence of Austria is, therefore, Italy’s fight for Trieste. And
because Trieste means Italy’s spearhead for expansion throughout Africa
there are, for example, four Italian lines from Trieste which sail round
Africa - and because Trieste means Italy’s mastery of the Adriatic,
Mussolini is not likely, without a grim struggle, to allow Austria to
join with Germany.
*******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS, August 17th
1934
VATICAN versus
MUSSOLINI
War That May Rend Italy
CONTROL OF THE CHILDREN
---
By GARETH JONES
TRIESTE, Italy.
The traveller who
approaches Trieste from the north looks out on one side upon the deep
blue, crystal clear Adriatic, and on the other upon a rocky region,
where a few scattered shrubs grow and where scarcely a drop of running
water is to be seen.
In this almost pathless
district, the Austro-Hungarian and Italian armies battled against each
other for two years over such positions as Gorizia, Montfalcone, Monte
san Michele, Doberdo, and Timavo (the river whose praises, Virgil sang).
Today only the War
cemeteries remain as a memorial to the strife of nearly 20 years ago.
But a new war is brewing in this region, a war which may spread
throughout Italy. It is not a war for trenches or hills or towns,
but for the souls of the Italian children, a war between the Roman
Catholic Church and the Fascist State.
I have good authority for
stating that there may soon be a break between the Vatican and
Mussolini. On the horizon there is a fierce struggle between
Church and State.
In this war, a few shots have already been fired in
Trieste, where the fight between Church and State is twofold. In
other parts of Italy the bone of contention is one only sway over the
child; but here a second cause of strife enters that is of particular
interest to Wales, namely, the language question.
CRUSHING LANGUAGE
The region
around Trieste, which borders on Yugoslavia, is to Italy what Wales is
to Britain. There live in the countryside here about 1,000,000
Slovenes, who speak a Slav language and to whom Italian is foreign.
The Italians are doing all they can to crush the Slovene language.
The Bishop
of Trieste is combating the Italianising influence. He believes
that all peoples have a right to worship in their own language, and he
is fighting for the Slovene minority. He has, however, been
forbidden to publish a Prayer Book in the Slovene language.
Imagine the
revolt which would spread through Wales if Welsh Prayer Books were
abolished! Priests have already been imprisoned here for upholding
the Slovene language.
PRIESTS ACCUSE FASCISTS
Roman Catholics are
exceedingly bitter because the Slovene language is being persecuted.
But throughout Italy the Church is beginning to revolt against Fascist
domination over the minds of the children.
In private priests are
accusing the Fascists of breaking the Concordat, the agreement reached
between the Pope and Mussolini. They are regretting that the
Vatican is not bolder in upholding the rights of Roman Catholics.
They are beginning to demand a new Concordat.
"What is the use of
Mussolini standing up for the rights of Catholics in Austria if he
tramples upon them in Italy?" they ask.
PARADES INSTEAD OF MASS
The Fascists are accused of
purposely alienating children from the church by making them parade at
the very hours when they should be at Mass.
There is also among priests
a fear that Mussolini is not properly informed about the religious
situation in the country; that the local Fascist authorities, who are
notorious in some towns for their corruption and swindling, are sending
false reports to their leader on the sentiment of the people, and that
the Vatican is over-timid in hesitating to press their point of view.
The Church will not remain
hesitant for long, however, and a new war between the Vatican and
Mussolini may soon rend Italy.
*******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS, August 18th
1934
THE HYSTERIA OF
GOERING
"Priest surrounded by Greek Chorus"
People’s Weakening Faith
By Gareth Jones
MUNICH. Friday
A CRUEL,
fleshy fist, ever moving, ever threatening fascinates me and I can
hardly take my eyes away from it.
Sometimes
clenched with the strength of a powerful man it shakes back and fro in a
gesture of warning, sometimes it crashes down as if ascending ruthlessly
upon a victim. It is a fist with personality, but a brutal, a nailed
fist. It is the fist of Goering.
He stands
elevated on a stage a few yards away from me before a mass of
Brownshirts, of Hitler youths, and of German middle-class citizens.
He is the centre of the most magnificently staged drama I have seen.
Behind him
rise the lofty pillars of a classic temple, from which the red, black
and white swastika banners are flowing. Illuminated so that the
red brilliance of the Nazi colour may stand out against the blackness of
the sky and crowned with a dazzling swastika electric sign, this temple
looks over a grassy square now filled with National-Socialists, who read
between the centre pillars the slogan, "With Adolf Hitler for Germany."
Missing Faces
Not long
ago this crowd was waiting for Goering in the darkness. Then, with
a suddenness which made one’s eyes blink, searchlights flashed, a
military band blared out a Nazi march and hundreds upon hundreds of
banners were seen approaching from the distance down the avenue towards
the temple.
The Storm
Troopers, with their leaders, marched past.
Thinking of
the shootings of Roehm and his associates, I whispered to my neighbour:
"There are some faces missing since your last Munich meeting." He
replied: "They are unwept, unhonoured, and unsung."
There was
silence for a few minutes while the crowd waited. Then a faint
cheer came, and rapidly down the avenue drove a car, with a fat man in a
brown uniform standing up and giving the Fascist salute. Goering
had arrived to speak in the campaign for Hitler’s election on Sunday.
Grim Expression
The crowd
stood with outstretched arms—I must have been the only one in that vast
multitude whose right arm remained obstinately unraised.
Like a
priest surrounded by the chorus in Greek play, Goering stood motionless
beneath the Ionic columns of the temple, while the Storm Troop flag
bearers carried their brilliant banners with the silver crests
glittering beneath the searchlights.
His
features, rendered hard by his high cheekbones and by the grim
expression of his mouth, were deepened by the light which shone down
upon him.
His musical
voice boomed out a greeting to the German people. It had a touch
of rich harmony about it, but soon I felt a note of hardness.
He had not
spoken long before there rang out in those clipped tones of the German
officer a jarring sound of, cruelty, impatience, and intolerance, which
contrasted with the studied harmony and pleasing volume of the opening
sentences.
Hitler’s Influence
The
influence of Hitler upon his manner of speaking was striking, and my
thoughts went to those Welsh members of Parliament whose voice and
gestures are modeled upon, Mr. Lloyd George.
There was
in some high points of Goering’s speech the same note of hysteria and
unbridled passion which I had heard in Hitler’s speeches, a note which
inspires one with fear that the speaker will suddenly break down or lose
absolute control of his mental powers.
But that
Goering is a tragic actor of the first rank there can be no doubt.
Beyond the studied acquirements of a
crystal-clear enunciation he has an instinctive knowledge of the place
of light and shade in oratory and of the need of irony to follow a
tragic or emotional passage.
"Ghosts of Vanished Leaders"
Ironic
scorn about the lies of the world press followed a crescendo movement,
which culminated in the shrieking claim: The German people have become
the freest people of the world. That freedom has come through
Adolf Hitler.
"Adolf
Hitler" filled the speech, which was one long panegyric of the Leader,
and one long demand that every man and woman should vote on August 19.
But with
all his gifts of oratory, with all the passion which had filled his
purple patches, and with all his triumphs of stage management, Goering
must have left the meeting a slightly saddened man.
Where was
the enthusiasm which filled the assembly 18 months ago? Where was
the spirit of religious fervour which once sent a shiver through the
limbs and hearts of Germans. And those dark shadows in the trees
yonder. Were they, perhaps, the ghosts of vanished Storm Troop
leaders who not long ago had stood on that same temple, side by side
with Goering, but whose ashes are now in some nearby graveyard.
Forced to Listen-in
Yes, they
were lacking the old keenness which had impressed me so deeply in the
first fine careless raptures of Hitler’s revolution.
They are
lacking in this whole election campaign by which Hitler will on Sunday
be elected Leader, of the German people.
Indifference is the keynote of the week.
Families
are forced to listen in to the speeches which are pouring through the
wireless like an unceasing flood. In many houses the caretaker
visits each flat to inquire who listened in and who was out, and whether
the person, who was out listened in or not!
What the
fate of the caretaker would be in a British house if he so dared to
trespass upon the freedom of the citizen I hardly like to imagine.
Damped Enthusiasm
"Why waste
the money on an election when there can be no other result than a
victory for the one and only candidate?" critical men are asking, but in
spite of their criticisms they will all go to the ballot-box on Sunday,
for to vote is obligatory. Many millions will go with enthusiasm,
it is true, but it is a damped enthusiasm.
I myself
will on Sunday and on many days in the future be thinking not so much of
the ballot-box and of the vote to be counted by 100 per cent. National
Socialists but of something far more powerful—that iron fist of Goering
which I saw clenched and threatening as the lights shone down upon it in
temple at Munich.
*******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS, August 21st
1934
****
WHO ARE THE "Yeses"
and "No" IN THE GERMAN PLEBISCITE
By Gareth Jones
Who were
the 38,000,000 who voted for Hitler arid who were the 4.000,000 who had
the courage to say "No"?
Among those
who placed their cross in the circle representing "Yes’s there were
millions who sincerely believed that Hitler should be their leader, but
who hated the methods which his dictatorship had introduced.
They voted "Yes" because they saw no
alternative to him except Communism and chaos. They voted "Yes"
because they longed for an end to civil strife and some stable régime
however objectionable they might find many of its features. They
voted "Yes" above all because they felt that Hitler was a representative
of that national unity towards which Germany had always striven.
SERFDOM IN THE BLOOD
Other
millions voted for Hitler, the Man. They are the millions who
crave for someone to lead them, who lack initiative and long for an
order from above, who have in their blood the former serfdom of East
Prussia or the traditions of those petty little States where, only a
century-and-a-half ago, the princelings sold their subjects to foreign
generals for gold.
This type
of man worships a strong hand.
Many
vigorously, shouted "Ja" for Hitler because they believed that he had
rescued them from Bolshevism and from massacre. They looked upon
him as the bulwark against Communism.
Others-the
Industrialists-voted for him because he had smashed the trade unions and
put an end to strikes.
Others
voted out of fear that they should be discovered and lose their posts.
That their
manner of voting could be found out through the voting slips I do not
believe, because I am convinced that the ballot was secret. I
visited a polling booth in the most Communistic area of Berlin.
There was no number or mark or my voting slip by which the voter could
be identified.
THE "NOES"
What of
those who said "No"? They comprise men of such scattered opinions
that they could hardly organise to overthrow Hitler. Among them
were Communists and Socialists, more bitter than ever against the régime.
Numbers of Catholics considered their "No" as a protest against National
Socialism’s claim to the souls of the children and to the belief of
young Nazis that "we have a new religion and that religion is Germany"!
Protestants
must have been among those who voted against Hitler, and they must have
thought of the simple but stirring protest of the philosopher and
divine, Karl Barth, when he exclaimed "Ich sage Nein!" ("I say No!").
Intellectuals must have been amongst the dissidents. They grieve
at the garrotting of the German press and the ruining of the stage and
of the films. "No!" This must have been the reaction of some when
they thought of the killings of June 30.
HITLER’S CONFIDENCE
It would be
a mistake, however, to see in four million anti-Hitler votes the end of
the Hitler régime. There was a look of quiet confidence on
Hitler’s face when I saw him on Sunday saluting the enthusiastic crowd
outside the Chancellery. That confidence will be shaken far more
by the economic tasks of the winter than by the votes of four million
men.
What are
votes, after all, to men of strong will who have energy, ruthlessness,
the determination to stay in power - and machine-guns?
******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS,
August 22nd 1934
Hitler’s Trump Card
- Fear That Germany May Fall to Pieces
By GARETH JONES
"Deutschland Uber Alles!" Germany above Everything!
I watched
thousands of bareheaded Germans last Sunday singing these words with
passionate religious fervour, and repeating the last lines like the
congregation at a Welsh chapel.
Hitler
stood at the window of the Chancellery saluting his worshippers who
crowded the street before the Palace.
The
awe-filled eyes of the children were fixed upon their leader as upon
some bright comet flashing through the sky. I saw their lips move
as if they were chanting, not a national anthem, but a fervent prayer,
an exhortation to Heaven - "Germany above Everything!"
The British do not sing, "God Save the
King" in that spirit. They sing their National Anthem with a confidence
almost bordering on indifference, because Britain’s political
foundations have endured for centuries, and there is belief in Britain’s
unity which makes the people take their country for granted.
NOT A REAL NATION
But Germany
is a child among nations. She was unborn when Britain had been
mighty for almost a thousand years. She is a creation of the last
century a hundred years ago "Germany" meant as little emotionally or
politically to the world as the "Atlantic Ocean", she was a mere
geographical expression.
She has
never been a real nation, but a collection of States loosely knit
together and loathing each other. In fact, Bavarian hated
Prussians and Prussians sniffed when they talked of Saxons. Such a
hotch-potch of peoples could easily fall to pieces and Germany could
disappear. That is the present fear of loyal Germans. Thus
when the roar "Deutschland Uber Alles," while "God Save the King" on our
lips is only mumbled, it is not arrogance, not boastfulness that urges
them, but lack of confidence in their future, the ever-present fear that
the congeries of States and peoples may not hold together.
"Germany
above all" means "Germany before Saxony, before Prussia, before
Württemberg." It is an invocation: "Oh God, give us unity."
THE BREATH OF LIFE
Unity!
That idea does not enter into England’s political thought because it
already operates in her national life. The sea cuts Britain off from the
world. Unity means more to the Welsh because the divisions between
North and South Wales. It means something to the Frenchman,
because France has been united only since the French Revolution of 1789.
But to the
Germans, who have only recently become a nation, unity means the very
breath of life.
It was as
late as 1871 that Bismarck created the German Empire, but it was Empire
in which there were many Kings and Princes with great power in their own
dominions. Even in 1914 Bavaria and other States had their own
stage stamps, railways, uniforms, and up to 1933 they had their own
Parliaments.
Even today
Germany is not united. She is a discordant country in religion for
two-thirds of the popu1ation are Protestant and one-third is Roman
Catholic.
She is
discordant in politics. The Rhineland’s history is shot through
with Roman influences, democratic experiments, and French justice while
in Eastern Germany the acquiescence of the serf has never been exorcised
from the soul of the people.
She is
discordant in race. The Prussians are half Slavs, while the
Rhineland is peopled by a partly Celtic stock.
She is
discordant in her geography. In the north one travels hundreds of
miles over a flat sandy plain. In the south the magnificent peaks
of the Alps soar above flower-covered valleys where quick-witted musical
people, charming and altogether in love with life and their fellows.
And Germany has no natural frontiers
except the sea to the north. She straddles out to the west beyond
the Rhine. In the east she merges almost imperceptibly into
Poland.
STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY
What a
stupendous task it is to make a nation out of this medley of different
races, lands, traditions, and creeds! Goethe’s Faust exclaims,
"There dwell, alas! Two souls within this breast!" But within the
breast of Germany there dwell thousands of souls struggling for
supremacy.
No wonder,
therefore, that last week the Hitler election poster which drew most
attention was this: "We Germans, placed in the centre of Europe, must
hold together more than other nations. We must be united if we are
not to perish - Bismarck. Hitler has fulfilled these prophetic words of
Bismarck. Vote for him on August 19".
This
longing for unity is the subconscious cause of Hitler’s fanatical desire
to mould the country into one single form. It explains his
ruthlessness in stamping out differences of opinion, differences of
uniforms, differences in political parties, and differences in religious
beliefs. Hitler’s revolution is a violent swing of the pendulum
away from the ramshackle discordant medley which was Germany to a
super-regimented, forcefully cemented people who are to speak with one
voice, think with one brain, and march at a single command.
The fear
that Germany might crumble to pieces is Hitler’s trump card, and he will
use it skillfully. He will, when bread and potatoes and fats run
short, paint a picture of the world threatening Germany. He will
implore his fellow-countrymen to tighten their belts for the sake of
German unity. He will depict himself as the keystone of the
structure of a united nation.
And men who
hate his methods will rally to his side because they fear that if he
falls chaos and conflict will rend the country and there will be
farewell to the dream and prayer of "Deutschland Uber Alles!"
*******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS, August 23rd 1934
AUSTRIANS "ENSLAVED" BY ITALY
Fanning Flames of Nazi Revolt
---
OPPRESSION IN SOUTH TYROL
---
By
GARETH JONES
Imagine a
land where you would not be allowed to carve a word of your native
language upon the tombstones of your dead relatives where you might be
fined £25 for teaching your tongue to schoolchildren; where you would be
persecuted by the police if you formed a choir.
To British
people this would be a kind of Never-Never-Land visited in imagination
by an eighteenth century satirist. But such a land does exist, and
I have just visited it. It is the South Tyrol, which was taken
away from Austria after the Great War and placed under the rule of
Italy.
The peaks
of this region which in the setting sun g1ow a with a fairy orange red,
look down on a grayish-white torrent, the Adige, which clatters down
past vineyards and pine forests and through steep gorges topped by
ancient castles and modern military fortresses.
These
mountains have bred a sturdy Germanic people who have not forgotten the
traditions of the Tyrolese patriot Andreas Hofer.
It is these
people that the Italian Government is trying to convert into thorough
Italians by the method which has failed almost everywhere - the forceful
uprooting of the national language and customs.
In this
area there are no German schools, German societies are forbidden, and
the German theatre has been abolished.
Recently
some children acted a German playlet, "Snow Witch," in a barn, and the
governess who looked after them was summoned before a court of law for
encouraging them to do so.
TEACHING CHILDREN
The stones
which the Tyrolese collected to build a war memorial to the fallen
Austrian soldiers have been used as steps upon which folk tread up to
the Italian war memorial.
It is the
crushing of the mother tongue which hurts the Tyrolese most. As a
man of religion told me: "It is only through the mother tongue that
children can learn moral teachings, and only it he mother tongue can
they truly understand the lessons of the Bible." Dollfuss insisted that
Mussolini should treat the Tyrolese Austrians better; but the resulting
Italian decree by which children are now allowed to learn German for
four hours a week, has been worded in such a way that the Tyrolese have
no faith in its efficiency.
There is no
doubt that the Austrian Chancellor, Herr Schuschnigg, raised the problem
on Tuesday in his talk with Mussolini; but in spite of the Duce’s zeal
for friendship with Austria there seems little hope that the Italians
will introduce a régime of freedom into the South Tyrol.
BECOMING NAZI
Why is this
question important for Europe?
It plays a
part because the South Tyrolese are growing violently Nazi and will be a
source of internal weakness for Italy should Italian troops ever decide
to cross the Brenner Pass into Austria.
It has a
profound influence on Mussolini’s relations with Austria.
Austrians state: "If Mussolini is sincere in his friendship for us, why
is he acting as a tyrant towards our fellow-countrymen in the South
Tyrol who are under his sway?"
These
Austrians are growing to hate Italy more bitterly than ever and to
despise Schuschnigg, their Chancellor, for being the minion of
Mussolini.
The feeling
that fellow-Austrians are being enslaved by the Italians will fan the
flames of another Nazi rebellion in Austria.
The South Tyrol is the dotted portion
south of the Italian-Austrian frontier.
******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS, August 1934
10,000 PLANES ON
GERMAN FRONTIERS
Air-Minded Nation in the Making
By GARETH JONES
Germany Must Become a Nation of Aviators!
As I
stepped out of Berlin’s main station some days ago I saw stretched high
across the street a brilliantly blue banner with these words written
large upon it. It was a declaration of Germany’s greatest ambition
of the moment - to lead the world in civil and military aviation.
The Germans are air-mad; their passion
for flying is being fostered by the leaders of the National Socialist
Party. Hitler, when he visits a town, swoops down upon it from the
air. The first glimpse I ever had of the Chancellor was as he
approached his vast aeroplane, the Baron von Richthofen, standing the
snow-covered Berlin aerodrome on a February day in 1933.
THE POWER BEHIND
The real
force behind the German air plans is not Hitler, however, but Goering,
who probably cares nought about the economic visions of the National
Socialist Party as long as he has power to blacken the European sky with
a host of German squadrons.
Goering was
the inspirer of the air display which I visited in Berlin, and which not
only impressed but startled me. Through the Berlin aerodrome
ground marched thousands upon thousands of strapping young men clad in
the new grey-blue uniform of the German aviators. As I watched
their keen, determined faces, their fine physique, and the perfection of
their marching, I thought that Germany had in them the germ of a
magnificent air force.
And there
were young women, too, clad in that grey-blue uniform which is becoming
as much the darling of the Prussian crowd as was the most resplendent of
Guards’ uniforms in 1914. Will it be as ominous for Europe? I
wonder.
AMBITION AND FEAR
It is not
only ambition but fear which is leading to the training of these
thousands of young men.
"More than
10,000 aeroplanes are now standing on the German frontiers ready to
start." This is one of the slogans driven into the minds of the
German people by pamphlet, cinema, and radio.
"In one
hour every German city can be attacked by foreign bombers."
Here is
another statement which strikes millions of Germans in the eye as they
look at the posters.
Thus
Goering is driving his lesson daily, hourly into the consciousness of
the German people. Goering has spoken, and as a result of his
commands air defence is taught in every school, gas-mask demonstrations
are carried out in the most remote parts of the country, and every house
of size appoints a special "air guardian" in case of attack.
It was more
than a coincidence that when I sailed from Cuxhaven the last words I saw
as the liner slowly heaved away from the quay were:
Germany Must Become a
Nation of Aviators!
******
THE WESTERN MAIL & SOUTH WALES NEWS, October 26th
1934
Will France
Withhold Lorraine Iron Ore
from the Saar?
By GARETH JONES
Hermann
Röchling is the iron and steel king of the Saar. He rules over a
vast works employing over 4,000 workers, and is the outstanding figure
in the campaign to secure the return of the Saar to Germany. In
this he has the support of the large majority of his fellow-Saarlanders.
I went to
see him in Völklingen, the Llanelly of the Saar territory, and talked to
him in his plainly furnished office beneath the shadow of his blast
furnaces.
"What will
be the economic consequences of the return of the Saar to Germany?"
I asked this ironmaster, who had once been sentenced to imprisonment by
the French.
He replied
that if the French made difficulties and refused to send iron ore from
Lorraine into the Saar Germany would be able to obtain ore from
Donau-Eschlngen, where scientists were making investigations.
"They will not get me on my knees," he declared.
Economic Link
He thought,
however, it was most unlikely that an economic war would break out
between France and Germany when the Saar returned to the homeland.
Lorraine had 1,250,000,000 tons of iron ore lying in the earth and they
would certainly deliver the ore to the Saar.
The Saar
and Lorraine were economically bound together. Lorraine needed Saar coal
and the Saar needed Lorraine ore. The French would be practically
obliged to import coal from the Saar, because that was the most suitable
coal for their coke-ovens.
The Saar
would have many economic advantages when it returned to Germany.
Germany already bought over half the steel, half the glass, and half the
pottery produced in the Saar. A gas conduit was to be built to
South Germany. The increase of the electricity supply would be
very great indeed. The Saar would benefit from the improving
business conditions so marked in the Germany of Hitler.
I brought up the question
of German payment for the mines now held by the French.
Security For Mines
Herr
Röchling stated that Germany could give security for the mines.
The mines had declined enormously In value, he stated. According
to the report of M.Guillaume (Director of the Saar Mines) there had been
a loss of 19,075,728 gold marks (£950,000 at par) in 1931 and of
21,813.043 marks (nearly £1,100,000) in 1932. M. Guillmehad
stated:
"If the
financial results of the working of the mines do not show a marked
improvement in the years 1933 and 1934, one can imagine how the
conversations which may begin in 1935 on the question of the re-purchase
of the Saar mines will be influenced to the detriment of the interests
of the French State."
In
conclusion, Herr Röchling stated that Germany would have to spend
£5,000,000 to repair and improve the mines after the French departure.
*******
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