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The
Contemporary Review, July 1931
POLAND’S
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
By
GARETH JONES
POLAND’S
policy has been determined by permanent factors which never allow a Foreign
Minister to stray far from a certain definite path. These factors
are her geographical position, her history and her economic structure.
Geography teaches Poland to be wary. Her straddling frontiers run
for thousands of miles through the flat European plain. Not a single
mountain bars the way to foreign troops; there is hardly a hillock between
Warsaw and the Urals. To the east and to the west the frontier line
winds through villages and farms and towns. The lesson of history
is still more impressive. The Partition throws a shadow over modern
Polish life. Although it was rectified in 1919, its psychological
effect will not be wiped out for many a long day and there remains a lurking
fear of a new partition. Finally, Poland’s economic structure necessitates
an outlet to the sea, which raises formidable barriers against friendship
with Germany.
Two
other influences play a great part in Poland’s foreign relations.
These are international finance and the Catholic Church. One of
the main aims of Polish foreign policy is to obtain a loan. The
desire to give the appearance of stability in order to satisfy international
financial circles was one of the reasons why Marshal Pilsudski was intent
upon gaining a majority in the last elections. A two-thirds majority
in the Sejm is necessary in order to mortgage the country’s securities,
which is essential in securing a foreign loan. Polish diplomats
therefore weigh carefully the effect which their actions may have on the
Paris Bourse, on the City and on Wall Street. Poland’s position
as the bulwark of Catholicism in Eastern Europe and the hold which the
Catholic religion has upon the vast majority of her population make the
bond between Warsaw and the Vatican particularly close. Upon these
permanent foundations Poland’s post-war policy has been built. Poland
owes her rebirth to the Treaty of Versailles, which is her Magna Charta,
the source of her liberty and sovereignty. Her frontiers extend
far beyond her racial boundaries. It follows thus that Poland is
one of the group of satiated states and that the guiding factor in her
foreign policy is the maintenance of the status quo. The consolidation
of peace and the integrity of her present frontiers are two aims which
determine her attitude towards the League of Nations and its individual
members. According to the Polish conception, the task of the League
should be to organise peaceful collaboration between its members and to
stabilise in a judicious manner existing arrangements. For this
reason Poland has enthusiastically supported the Geneva Protocol and has
associated herself with M. Briand’s projected European Union.
Poland’s
interest in the maintenance of the status quo and her search for security
determine her two main alliances. In February 1921 France signed
an alliance with Poland which was followed in March of the same year by
a defensive alliance between Poland and Rumania. In 1926, under
the Eastern Locarno Pact, France signed a treaty of mutual guarantees
with Poland. The two countries pledged themselves to come to each
other’s assistance in the event of German aggression. There have
recently been signs of a growing apprehension in France as to the wisdom
of backing Poland too vigorously. This cooling off in the relations
of the two countries has been attributed partly to France’s disapproval
of the violence of the election campaign and of the treatment of minorities
in Poland, and partly to her fear of being involved in any adventures
in the East of Europe. The close alliance between Poland and her
southern neighbour, Rumania, which was renewed and enlarged in 1926, was
again renewed in January 1931. In the event of unprovoked aggression
each country undertakes to give the other immediate assistance.
Whereas
Poland’s southern frontiers are guaranteed by the alliance with Rumania,
her attempts to stabilise her northern and north-eastern frontiers and
to achieve security by forming a Baltic bloc have been hindered by the
continued dispute with Lithuania. Poland has closely collaborated
with Esthonia, and the exchange of visits between the Esthonian Chief
of State and the President of the Polish Republic in 1930 showed the cordial
friendship existing between the two countries. The dreams of a Baltic
alliance uniting Poland, Esthonia, Latvia, and Lithuania have, however,
never been realised. Political relations with Latvia have been less
warm than with Esthonia, and the Polish-Lithuanian quarrel over Vilna,
which is still an obstacle to communications across the frontier, shows
little sign of settlement. Recent events have increased the anxiety
for security which Poland’s geographical position and her past inspire
in her citizens. The rush of extreme nationalism in Germany, the
Nazi cry for a strong conscript Army and the revolt of the German youth
against Versailles, have made the Poles guard their security more tenaciously
than ever. No Pole, with the threats of Herr Treviranus still ringing
in his ears, can regard the Kellogg Pact as the guardian angel of his
peace. The trade war which began in 1925 has also embittered Poland’s
relations with Germany.
On
her western frontier, therefore, Poland feels no security. Neither
have her relations with Soviet Russia inspired her with great faith in
her eastern neighbour, in spite of the signing of the Litvinov Protocol
(1929) for the Renunciation of War. Poland has a propaganda value
to the Communist Party. Soviet organs and theatres never cease vilifying
the Poles in caricatures and plays, in order to provide an outlet for
popular dissatisfaction and to unite the peoples of the Union in the face
of the so-called menace of intervention from Poland. It is the belief
in Moscow that war between the capitalist states and Communist Russia
is inevitable and that Poland is destined to be the catspaw of France,
America and Britain. In the Soviet Union propaganda banners blare
out the slogans “The Imperialists of the West are preparing war on Soviet
Russia.” Great stress is laid on the war industry and everything
is done to inculcate a military spirit into the masses. The Soviet
child is taught that Bessarabia is Soviet territory temporarily in the
possession of Rumania and that it was snatched away from the socialist
fatherland by the capitalists. Poland cannot remain unperturbed by these
developments in Russia, especially since most Poles remember that ten
years ago the Soviet troops came within sight of Warsaw. Nevertheless,
there is more fear of Germany than of Russia in Poland.
The
unsatisfactory relations with both Germany and Russia do not lead Poland
to envisage disarmament proposals with enthusiasm. It is true that
many observers in Warsaw consider that the present Soviet Union is weak
and would never wage war, and that only a Bolshevik Russia would allow
Poland to retain territories with a non-Polish population. Nevertheless
the existence of two hostile neighbours makes Poland insist on there being
no reduction of armaments which might menace by one jot national security.
This condition of security could, in the Polish view, be best realised
by the creation of an organisation of peace based on three principles
- arbitration, mutual assistance, and finally disarmament such as was
provided by the Geneva protocol. Present guarantees of security
are not considered sufficient to permit Poland to make any considerable
reduction in her armed forces. She will thus not be able to play
a helpful part in the Disarmament Conference of 1932. Poland’s attitude,
which can well be understood in view of her geographical situation and
of Germany’s growing claims for revision of the frontiers, may be a serious
stumbling-block in that critical assembly.
The
thirties of this century have heralded in the campaign for the revision
of the Treaty of Versailles. Last August a speech was made by Herr
Treviranus, German Minister for Occupied Territories, in which he uttered
the veiled threat that “the future of our Polish neighbours can only be
secured if Germany and Poland are not kept in a state of unrest as a result
of the unjust demarcation of frontiers.” This seriously troubled
the Polish nation. The Poles saw that the areas which Germany claimed
corresponded almost exactly with territory lost in the First and Second
Partitions. That did not augur well for the future and the coincidence
made a deep impression upon the Polish people, who still tend to be superstitious;
revision strikes the Pole as the first step towards a new partition, as
the beginning of the end. The possession of the Polish Corridor
is far more a matter of life and death to Poland than it is to Germany.
One half of Poland’s trade goes through Gdynia and Danzig. To lose
the Corridor would mean the loss of political, economic and military independence.
The refusal of the dockworkers in Danzig to unload munitions destined
for the Polish Army when it was repelling the Bolshevik attack in 1921
drew attention to Poland’s weakness in the Baltic, should she have no
outlet to the sea under her own control. The eternal fear of a German-Russian
Alliance makes the Poles cling more tenaciously than ever to the Corridor.
“If Germany regains her pre-war territory,” said a politician in Warsaw,
“ then she will be able to join with Russia through Lithuania and we will
be like a nut in a nutcracker, surrounded on almost all sides by hostile
neighbours. We are willing to do anything to have good relations
with Germany except commit suicide.”
There
is complete unity in Poland on the question of her frontiers. Whenever
Revision is mentioned, Socialists, National-Democrats, followers of Korfanty,
followers of Pilsudski, all drop their differences and form a united national
front. In Germany the unity of opinion that Germany must change
her eastern frontiers is equally striking. No one demands, however,
that the entire pre-war territory be returned. Responsible German
circles have abandoned their claim to Posen and to the surrounding district
as irrevocably as they have to Alsace-Lorraine. Upon the Polish
Corridor and Upper Silesia, however, even moderate leaders will hear of
no compromise. The threat to the life of Danzig caused by the creation
within a few miles of the new cheap port, Gdynia, fostered by State aid,
and the large measure of Polish control over this old and proud German
city, gall the Reich and make compromise still more difficult. The
points of view of the two neighbours seem absolutely irreconcilable and
the conviction is spreading that the frontiers can only be revised by
war. The Germans invoke Article 19 of the Covenant of the League
of Nations as a method by which they can bring about Revision, namely:
“The Assembly may from time to time advise the reconsideration by Members
of the League of treaties which have become inapplicable.” The Poles
retort that the League has a prior duty to guarantee their frontiers and
quote Article 10: “The Members of the League undertake to respect and
preserve as against aggression the territorial integrity and existing
political independence of all Members of the League.”Revision of the frontiers
by Article 19 seems out of the question. Any decision by the Assembly
would need unanimity, and even a Conference or a discussion upon Revision
would probably be rendered impossible by the refusal of the satiated state
to take part in it.
Meanwhile,
Germany’s internal situation and the distress of her eastern provinces
force the Wilhelmstrasse to press their claims for Revision. It
is difficult to see by what practical peaceful method they wish to gain
this object. It is probable that at the back of the German’s mind
is the hope that one day Poland will get into difficulties on her eastern
frontiers. In such an event, some Germans state, the price for the
Reich’s neutrality would be the return of the Corridor and of Danzig.
The present Revision campaign is to prepare the public opinion of the
world for this possible course of action. In the meantime extreme
Nationalist feeling is getting red-hot on each side of the frontier.
Revision propaganda is one of the factors which tend to damage Polish
credit and to shake the belief in Poland’s stability as a state.
Any attempt at changing the frontiers at the present moment would cause
chaos in Eastern Europe into which France and Rumania would inevitably
be drawn. The Poles would fight to a man rather than yield one inch
of land. At the same time Germany will never be reconciled to her
present frontiers. Will that throw her into closer relations with
Russia and Italy? The stabilisation of the status quo contains elements
of future strife, because it will make more clear-cut than ever the division
of Europe into two camps, one seeking to revise the Treaty of Versailles
and the other aiming at the crystallisation of the present frontiers.
Revision is still more dangerous. The future is dark and can only
be brightened by economic co-operation between the two countries and by
such steps as the recent ratification by the Sejm of the German-Polish
Commercial Treaty and the Liquidation Agreement.
The
treatment of minorities in Poland adds fuel to the Revision agitation.
The oppression of minorities reached its height during the recent election
campaign in November 1930 and was thus closely connected with the present
régime in Poland. Not only the non-Poles but all opponents of the
Pilsudski Government have been treated with the utmost rigour and brutality.
Since the coup d’etat of May 1926 Poland has been governed by a hooded
dictatorship and Pilsudski has been the real force behind the scenes.
His Government, formed mainly of military men, rests not on any philosophical
foundation or practical programme but on the appeal which this historical
figure makes to the Army and to a section of the people. “Brest-Litovsk”
and the election campaign have aroused protests from all those who look
towards the West for their political ideals. “Brest-Litovsk” has
become a household word in Poland, for it was in the military fortress
of that town that some of the leading deputies were imprisoned and submitted
to physical and mental torture. They included Liebermann, the distinguished
Socialist leader, Korfanty, the national hero of the Silesian Insurrections
of 1921, and Witos, the peasant leader and former prime minister.
The outburst of moral indignation which the revelations of the treatment
of the prisoners caused shows how strong liberal and humanitarian feelings
are in Poland. The Brest-Litovsk imprisonment, however, had no direct
effect upon the minorities. It was the election campaign which caused
the minority question to flare up. Marshal Pilsudski was determined
to have a working majority in the Sejm behind his Government, in order
to introduce by legal means a new constitution which would strengthen
the hands of the President and increase the stability and authority of
government. There is no doubt that the election was an absolute
sham. All the machinery of the administration worked at full speed
to ensure the victory of the Government supporters. Candidates were
disqualified and threats and illegal practices were not scorned.
The election has given the Government a subservient bloc in the Sejm which
will carry out its orders and vote as it is told.
The
election campaign brought matters to a head in those parts of Poland inhabited
by Germans and Ukrainians. For many years a policy of Polonisation
has been hitting the Germans hard. German schools have often been
closed and parents who send their children to these schools are liable
to lose their posts or be submitted to administrative chicanery.
German-speaking people are placed under a disadvantage in the use of their
language. By the Agrarian Reform the Polish authorities have been
able to Polonise the former German districts and to divide the estates
of German landowners among Polish peasants. Moreover, Germans are
submitted to petty persecution from small officials and from police methods.
They suffer from a feeling of legal insecurity and have not that protection
of their liberty which is accorded them by the Geneva Convention.
This Convention lapses in 1937. During the election campaign party
lists in some places were confiscated and there were thus no candidates.
In many towns and villages each voter had to show openly for which party
he was voting. An ex-Servicemen’s organisation called the “Insurgents”
numbering 40,000 fought vigorously for the Pilsudski Bloc and was guilty
of many violent acts. One of their election slogans was “Not a single
deputy of the national minority shall enter Parliament.” The whole
attitude of this nationalist organisation was calculated to embitter the
feelings against the Germans. The “Insurgents were presided over by none
other than the Woievode himself, Dr. Grazinski. The efforts to secure
a victory for the Government Bloc at all costs and the methods used by
the “Insurgents “ led to a considerable fall in the German vote.
In
January the League Council considered a petition from the German Volksbund
and notes from the German Government on the incidents in Polish Upper
Silesia. It was a test of the sincerity and justice of the League
of Nations in its handling of minority problems. If the League had
failed, all Germany would have been justified in calling it, as it is
often called in Germany, a “joint-stock company for the preservation of
the booty won in the War.” The League Council was pre-eminently
successful in dealing with the case. It concluded that there had
been in numerous cases an infringement of Articles 75 and 83 of the Geneva
Convention. It asked the Polish Government to furnish before May
a detailed statement of the results of the inquiries into these different
cases. It expressed the hope that the Polish Government would abolish
all special links existing between the authorities and such associations
as the “ Insurgents.” The decision of the Council was a definite
rebuke to the Polish Government, but satisfaction was expressed in Warsaw
that no international commission of inquiry was to be set up, that there
was no demand for the resignation of any person and that no special guarantees
for the future were to be introduced. Many of the inquiries recommended
by the League Council had already been undertaken by the Polish authorities.
There is every sign that the Warsaw Government is carrying out the recommendations
in a generous way. If it does so, it will be able to count upon
the sympathetic support of many states such as Great Britain, which believe
that the liberal treatment of minorities is essential for the establishment
of peace in Europe.
The
Manchester Guardian has done a great service in calling the attention
of the world to the treatment of the Ukrainians. It omitted, however,
to give sufficient space to the provocations which led to the Polish pacification.
During centuries the hatred between Ukrainian and Pole has flared up from
time to time. Gogol in his Tarass Bulba describes vividly the wars
between the Cossacks in the Ukraine and the Catholic Poles. The
antagonism is not only that between two nations, it is also the jealousy
of one social class for another. In Eastern Galicia the Pole has
been the conqueror, the landowner, the administrator, and the Ukrainian
peasant has always looked upon him as the oppressor; the peasant wants
more land and the land is in the possession of the Poles. Added
to these sources of grievance are the clashes and jealousies of the Catholics
and the Uniates. And so the movement for Independence flourishes.
In September, 1930, after a series of fires, caused according to some
by Ukrainian revolutionaries and according to others by peasants anxious
to receive insurance money, a pacification began. Troops were sent
to villages in Eastern Galicia. Peasants were flayed; there were
burnings and searchings, and deeds of cruelty and brutality were committed.
The oppression of the Ukrainians takes on a more serious aspect when we
remember that in that remote corner is the frontier line between Soviet
Russia and the rest of Europe. The five to seven million Ukrainians
in Poland have twenty-five to thirty million fellow-countrymen across
the border. On the Soviet side of the frontier, although any anti-Communist
independence movement is instantly crushed, every effort is made to encourage
the Ukrainian language, literature, schools and art. The Soviet
Press knows how to describe in lurid terms the fate of the oppressed peasants
in Poland. A dissatisfied Ukraine smarting under the memory of the
Polish pacification can be no source of strength to Poland. The
recent events have put more barriers than ever in the way of those who
support the policy once advocated by Marshal Pilsudski of a Polish-Ukrainian-Lithuanian
Federation. To describe the oppression of the minorities and to
go no further does not give a true picture of the situation. There
have been serious provocations. In the Ukraine the U.M.O., or the
Ukrainian Military Organisation, is working by illegal means for independence.
It is accused of receiving funds from Berlin. Last autumn it started
on a campaign which led to the burning of Polish cottages and barns.
The final aim of the other main Ukrainian party, the U.N.D.O., is also
an independent Ukrainian national state.
The
provocation in the German areas was the German propaganda for revision
which excited the Polish population. Another factor which has made
conciliation difficult is the psychological attitude of the German towards
the Pole. Until Germany realises that Poland is a nation which has
come to stay and until the Germans modify their attitude of cultural superiority,
which is so insulting to a sensitive self-conscious people like the Poles,
an understanding will be difficult to reach.
It
is a pleasure to turn from the gloom of Poland’s relations with Russia
and Germany to the far brighter prospects of her relations with the agricultural
states of Eastern Europe. The depression among the agrarian countries
has speeded up co-operation between them. As a result largely of
Polish initiative a series of conferences was held last year of which
the most important were those of Bucharest and Warsaw. Delegates
from Rumania and Yugoslavia rubbed shoulders with their former enemies,
Hungary and Bulgaria; Latvia and Esthonia were also present. The
recommendations of the Warsaw Conference included concerted-selling organisations
and export institutions in each country. The questions which caused the
greatest difficulty to this agrarian bloc were agricultural credits and
the disposal of surplus grain stocks. Agricultural credits have
been discussed this year by the League of Nations Financial Committee
of grain experts, and surplus grain stocks have been the subject of conferences
held under the auspices of the European Commission. It is significant
that agricultural countries stretching from the Baltic to the Black Sea
should have come together and this has been to no small degree facilitated
by the wise and far-sighted efforts of the Polish Government.
The
Polish Republic is now in its second decade. Certain events in the
storm and stress of last year have not been calculated to strengthen the
position of its friends abroad. The treatment of minorities has
been a valuable weapon in the hands of those who wish to change Poland’s
frontiers. The internal methods of the régime have disturbed many
of the keenest supporters of Poland. A recurrence of Brest-Litovsk
or of the pacification in the Ukraine or of the mishandling of Germans
in Upper Silesia would deal a serious blow to her prestige. A policy
of tolerance towards minorities and towards political opponents would
be a powerful argument against Revision, and would restore the confidence
of all those millions who rejoice in Poland’s rebirth and who look to
her as a Western nation with a vital part to play in the future of Europe.
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