Daily
Express April 11th 1933
GOOD-BYE
RUSSIA
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BY
GARETH JONES
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FOR
years young men in Britain have been bewildered. The capitalist
system seems to be on the brink of a precipice. Nationalists have run
rampant in all countries, waving their banners of cheap patriotism.
Everywhere
the cry has been, ‘‘Put up more tariffs,’’ and the world became
tariff mad. "Pile up your armament" shriek others and the
armies of the world mount in size and attacking power.
Men
have lost their jobs in every town and village in Britain. Seeing
this many young men have said, “There is something radically
wrong. Perhaps we can learn from the Soviet Union.’’ I was
myself one of those millions who thought that Russia might have a lesson
to offer.
*****
Being
a Liberal, I had no patience with the Diehards, and was not bound by
traditional ways of conservative thinking.
The
idealism of the Bolsheviks impressed me before I went to Russia.
Here was a country where the rulers sought to build an industry for the
benefit of the workers. Equality was in time to rule and classes were to
disappear. The injustice of capitalism were to be no more.
Education was to be spread to the humblest peasant, and everything was to
exist for the good of the masses.
The
courage of the Bolsheviks impressed me. They tackled their
difficulties like men. They sought to build vast cities where once
there were bare steppes. They planned the great factories in the
world. They wished to do things and not stand idle without a plan as
in England.
******
The
internationalism of the Bolsheviks impressed me. They set aside all
petty prejudices between races. They abhorred pogrom. They
gave rights to the smaller nations to speak their own
languages. They were not guilty of the narrow nationalisms of
post-war days.
Then
I went to Russia.
There
I had every chance to see the real situation, for I traveled alone, walked
through villages and towns, and slept in peasant homes. The Soviet
Foreign Officials were on every occasion, courteous, and spared no trouble
in their efforts to help me. I liked personally most of the
Bolsheviks I knew. Lenin’s widow, for example, was one of the finest
women I have met, and she commands my deep respect. I was able to go
about freely without hindrance.
What
did I find? All was not black. Much work was being done to
care for the working class children in the towns. Many new houses
for working class people had been built in Moscow. The problem of
the homeless boy had in 1930 and 1931 been tackled with vigour. The
art galleries and the museums were a among the finest that exist.
*****
IN
industry also the Russians were building rapidly. I saw the torrents
pouring through the Dnieprstroy dam. The motorcar factory in
Nijni-Novgorod went up with a speed of which even the British Ministry of
Munitions during the war would have been proud.
The
Kharkoff tractor factory was also an achievement about which the
Bolsheviks might rightly boast.
On
the human side, the Bolsheviks had some admirable features. Many of
them showed in 1930 and 1931 great enthusiasm and heroic
self-sacrifice. In foreign affairs I was and still am impressed by
the policy of peace which the Soviet Government is carrying on.
Soviet Russia will never attack.
Such
is the credit side. What of the debit side?
*****
THERE
is first the rapid way in which the standard of living has fallen; 1930
was a bad year, but now it seems even prosperous compared with the spring
of 1933. Famine stalks the land. Surely the building of vast
factories is no compensation for hunger.
There
is the savage class warfare, which is no literary slogan, but a real
programme of terror.
Class
warfare has led to the crushing of millions of innocent people whose only
sin was that they were not of working class parentage. It has led to
domination by the Ogpu and to visitations of torture.
It
has led to justice, which should be above class, becoming a weapon of the
Communist Party to crush those who are not of working-class origin.
“Art is a weapon of class warfare” was the notice over an art gallery
in Moscow. Every thing is subordinated to class warfare. The
oppression of religion, which is no myth but a definite fact, is another
black mark to be put against the Soviet régime.
Hypocrisy
has been bred to a greater extent than ever. Communists dare not
criticise the policy of the party, and, though they know that famine is
there and that the Five Year Plan has wrecked the country, they still
speak of its glorious achievement and of the way in which they have raised
the standard of living. But the idealism of 1930 and 1931 has disappeared.
*****
FEAR
has become the dominant motive of action. The party member fears
that he will be turned out of the party. The peasant fears that he
will die of hunger. The worker fears that he will lose his bread
card. The professor fears that he will be accused of counter-revolutionary
propaganda in his lectures. The town dweller fears that he will be
refused a passport. The engineer fears that he will be accused of
sabotage.
But
the greatest crime of which the Soviet régime is guilty is the
destruction of the peasantry. Six or seven millions of the better-off
peasants have been sent away from their homes to exile. The
treatment of the other peasants is has been equally cruel. Their
land and livestock taken away from them, they have been condemned to the
status of landless serfs.
*****
The
noose is getting tighter and tighter round the neck of the Russian
peasant, and exile and starvation hover round him. But by destroying
the Russian peasant the Bolsheviks are destroying Russia and this mad
policy will be their nemesis.
What
then is the lesson of Soviet Russia?
It
is that a State cannot live upon the doctrine of class warfare and that
the ideas we have in Britain of personal freedom and of the rights of each
individual man are not so far wrong and must be defended at all costs.
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