THE WESTERN MAIL, June
15th, 1933
The
World Conference -London
(iii)
BRITAIN’S
POLICY BEFORE THE WORLD CONFERENCE
EXCHANGE FLUCTUATIONS
MUST STOP
The Chancellor On Need for Lower
Tariffs and Higher Prices.
By GARETH JONES
All
the world likes a little fighter, and whether the hero is David against Goliath
or the small boy against, the school bully, he always has the sympathies of the
crowd. That is why minute Herr Dollfuss, who as Austrian Chancellor, is playing a
similar part in European
politics as the, Welsh Bantams did on the world war battlefield, received such a
warm welcome this morning. He began
the third day of the World Economic Conference with a short speech which
referred to Austria’s sound financial policy in balancing her Budget.
As
he quoted the poem, “The best man cannot live in peace if his wicked
neighbours cannot leave him in peace;” members of the Conference thought of
the plucky fight which little Dollfuss is carrying on against Hitler and of the
blows which the, German Nazis are dealing Austria by preventing German tourists
from crossing the border into Austrian Territory.
Dollfuss
is hitting back with vigour and is stamping upon Hitlerism in his little
country. As he was; speaking a German journalist whispered in my ear,
“The secret police have just arrested the Austrian Military Attaché in
Berlin!“
STRUGGLE
FOR LEADERSHIP
The
background to the first speech this morning was, therefore, the economic and
moral was between Germany and Austria, as a result of which Dollfuss had to
return Vienna to-day.
“Now
begins the struggle for leadership, said an American to me as the Chancellor of
the Exchequer began his speech. “Who
will win? Britain or America?”
Mr.
Neville Chamberlain’s message ‘was that we must get back to the gold
standard, ‘but that we could not do this unless there was a rise in prices and
unless there was a lowering of tariffs. That
might take sometime. There was one
thing which must be done immediately, the Chancellor said - that~ was the
stopping of the fluctuation of the exchanges. It was time ‘hat the dollar and the pound should stop jumping up and
down, in the view of the British delegation.
Mr.
Chamberlain also urged that tariffs should be reduced by agreements between two
countries or more.
MAYOR
“JIMMY” WALKER
At
three o’clock prompt the American Secretary of State (Mr. Cordell Hull) made a
vigorous attack on economic nationalism, but it was deprived of practical
purpose because he said not a word about the war debts, and because, while the
American leaders are sincere in their support of international co-operation,
their ideals are being swept away at home by a wave of isolationism.
As
Secretary Hull was speaking two familiar figures crept into the press seats, and
I was wondering where I had seen them before. Then I realised that they were” Jimmy” Walker, ex-Mayor of New York,
and his wife, Betty Compton. When
an American journalist introduced me to them afterwards “Jimmy” was trying
to write a report of the Conference for the Hearst Press. “You’re lucky to be out of Russia,” he said, with a smile.
“Jimmy” Walker and Betty Compton seem like fish out of water in this
solemn conclave of statesmen.
POPULAR
LITVINOFF
After
talking to this typical representative of New York politics I went to listen
to his opposite, namely, the representative of the Soviet Union, M. Litvinoff.
The Soviet Foreign Minister is liked and admired in all
international gatherings, for he is frank and witty, and tells the world exactly
what he thinks of it.
The
hall was crowded and all expected “fireworks” but none came, for M.
Litvinoff was mild and guarded. He
made no open reference to the British embargo on Soviet goods.
If
the Soviet Union were given markets, for their exports and credits, ‘he
promised about £250,000,000 of orders to the world: but this offer was received
with scepticism. The bright picture
he painted of the Soviet Union was, based on Soviet statistics, which are
unreliable, and was intended to serve as propaganda rather than a real
contribution to the Conference.
The
events of the day brought out clearly the rivalries in the world; the struggle
between Austria and, Germany behind Dollfuss’s speech; the Anglo-American
differences over dollars and debts, behind the speeches of Mr. Chamberlain and
Secretary Hull; and behind M. Litvinoff’s words, the antagonism between two
systems - Capitalism and Communism.
“LG.” DENOUNCES ALLIES’ TREATMENT
OF GERMANY
Speaking
of the World Conference, he said he had listened to the Prime Minister in the
House of Commons, and there had been a good deal of complaint that he had said
nothing. He, (Mr. Lloyd George) saw
a reason why. There were lots of
people behind him watching every word he said lest he should commit himself in a
way such as would interfere with some protected industry.
The
same thing was happening in France, where M. Herriot was in the same position.
President Roosevelt had said that he hoped they could effect
an interchange of commodities.
“What
commodities,” he asked - “wheat - ask Mr. Bennett; cattle - ask Mr. Brooks;
butter and cheese ask Mr. Coates of New Zealand. Ask anybody except the British House of Commons.
We were completely tied hand and foot before ever we entered the
bargaining group.”
Had
the Government any plans for unemployment? He had been looking for any indication that anybody in authority was
thinking out the problem of national planning. Could they tell him from a study of the Prime Minister’s speeches what
his plans were?
“Tariffs,”
said Mr. Lloyd George, “were not a plan. We were undertaking the leadership of the world conference.”
He proceeded, when, he supposed, the questions of war debts, tariffs,
restrictions, and quotas would be dealt with. He presumed the question of the effect of mechanisation upon labour would
also be a vital issue.
No Plans
Had
anyone heard what were the plans or proposals the Government were going to
submit on those vital issues upon which the future of the world might depend,
not merely for ten years, but for generations? What were they?
“No,
there are no plans; I regret it” said Mr. Lloyd George.
The
Liberal programme had been before the country, and they must go forward not
shamefacedly but with vigour. Liberalism,
be the party great or small, had its duties, still to God and man, and part of
that duty was to rouse the conscience of Britain to its obligations to those
citizens who were dwelling in darkness and despair.
-------------------------------------
FULL TEXT OF THE WAR DEBT NOTES
The text
of the Notes exchanged between Great Britain and America on the war debt was
issued as a White Paper last night as follows:
Telegram
from Sir Ronald Lindsay to Sir. John Simon.
WASHINGTON,
June 10, 1933.
Following
Note received from United States Government, dated June 9 (begins):
“I
am requested by. Secretary of: the Treasury to notify you that 75,960,000
dollars interest is due and payable on June 15, 1933, on account of your
Government to, United States, pursuant to debt agreement of June 19, 1923.
The debt agreement of June 19, 1923, requires 30 days advance notice in
case your Government desires to make payment in obligations of United States
issued since April 9, 1917, but I am requested by Secretary of the Treasury to
advise you that be will be glad to waive the requirement of 30 days advance
notice if your Government wishes to pay in that manner.”
Telegram
from Sir John Simon to Sir R. Lindsay, Washington.
Foreign
Office, June 13, 1933.
Following
is text of Note, which you should communicate to-day to U.S. Government: …
Juncture would inevitably be judged to mean that no progress whatever had been
made towards such a settlement, and would, therefore, deal a damaging blow at
the confidence of the delegates.
“In
the circumstances, and in view of their action last December, his Majesty’s
Government had hoped that the United States Government would have been able to
accede to the request of his Majesty’s Government to postpone the payment of
the June instalment pending the discussion of war debts as a whole since,
however, this does not appear to have been found possible, his Majesty’s
Government are obliged to: decide upon their course of action.
“Such
a decision must, in any case, be of an extremely difficult character; and in
considering it, his Majesty‘s Government have felt, their deep responsibility,
not only to their own
people, but to whole world, which is awaiting the deliberations and
recommendations off Conference with the utmost anxiety..."
[The
rest of the article is lost.]
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