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Nation.Cymru or Nation.Coverup?
by
Gareth Jones' great nephew,
Philip Colley
Friday October 25th 2024
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A year on from the debate in the Welsh Parliament on whether
to deem the Ukrainian famine a genocide Philip Colley reflects on the use,
and misuse, of his great uncle’s Soviet famine testimony...
One year ago today the Senedd passed a
motion
declaring the 1932/33 'Holodomor' famine in Ukraine to be a genocide.
It claimed that my great uncle Gareth Jones’ witness account was a
crucial part of the "overwhelming" evidence to back that declaration up.
The clear implication in the
debate
was that Russia was to blame, and that the famine was part of
"a pattern of behaviour where Russia has tried to simply wipe out Ukraine
as a nation". But Gareth Jones' actual testimony implies nothing of the sort.
In the Financial News of April 13th 1933
Jones wrote, "the main reason for the catastrophe in Russian agriculture
is the Soviet policy of collectivisation".
Elsewhere he described the disastrous effects of peasant resistance to it.
He also pointed to excessive grain appropriations and the
"export of foodstuffs" by Soviet authorities as a cause but that it was
"not so much the Soviet Government as the world crisis, which is to blame."
Gareth wrote how he had "visited villages in the Moscow district,
in the Black Earth district, and in North Ukraine, parts,
which are far from being the most badly hit in Russia” and how
"even twenty miles away from Moscow there was no bread."
He described how he had "collected evidence from peasants and foreign
observers and residents concerning the Ukraine, Crimea, North Caucasia,
Nijni-Novgorod district, West Siberia, Kazakhstan, Tashkent area,
the German Volga and Ukrain[e] colonists, and all the evidence proves
that there is a general famine."
In 'Mr Jones',
a film part-funded by émigré Ukrainian nationalists,
the eponymous Welsh reporter only witnesses famine affecting Ukrainians
in Ukraine. The real Mr Jones reported on famine in all the grain-growing
regions of the USSR, affecting multiple ethnicities.
Listening to the Senedd Members (MSs) that day one might think they had
based their knowledge not on Jones' extensive writings but instead on a
90 minute, highly fictionalised film. They appeared to have drunk the
'Mr Jones' Kool Aid.
Misuse of Jones's legacy has regularly featured in the flurry of
'Holodomor as genocide' resolutions in Europe since Russia’s invasion.
His quotes have even been
doctored in Parliament
to remove references to non-Ukrainian areas.
Questions also need to be asked about Alun Davies' opening statement.
It is almost word for word the same as that
delivered by Conservative MP Pauline Latham in a similar Westminster debate
on 07/10/23. Did they share the same researcher or were they simply reading
out, without scrutiny, what had been presented to them by Ukrainian lobbyists?
Mr Davies opens the debate by stating:
"The Holodomor is a Ukrainian word that means to inflict death by hunger.
Today, we use it to mean the entire Stalinist campaign to eliminate the
Ukrainian nation, which culminated in the forced famine of 1932 and 1933...
it's estimated that 7 million, and may be as many as 10 million, people died
in Ukraine, with many more deaths in the neighbouring Soviet states."
The shared provenance of what both said is deeply concerning but so too
is its accuracy. That between 7-10 million Ukrainians died in the famine
has long been discredited by independent scholars as politically inflated.
The true figure is now accepted to be between
2.6-3.9 million,
a still horrific number, but one with academic credibility.
The figure presented in the Senedd was arrived at in the 1980’s by
ultra-nationalist activists keen to present the famine as more devastating
than the Holocaust.
Why 'Holodomor' activists would want to compete so is complex.
It relates to the role of Stepan Bandera’s fascist Organization of
Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B) who collaborated with the Nazis to
eliminate most of Ukraine’s Jews during the War.
The OUN-B has been
accused of instrumentalising
the 'Holodomor' to deflect from that involvement. Politicians allowing
themselves to be unquestioning mouthpieces for foreign lobbyists should
be a matter of concern.
The charge of genocide is a serious one. On whether the famine in Soviet
Ukraine was genocide the jury remains out. Leading famine scholars
Robert Davies, Stephen Wheatcroft, Lynne Viola, Michel Ellman, Mark Tauger,
and even ‘Harvest of Sorrow’ author
Robert Conquest,
reject the genocide thesis.
Conquest is clear, "it wasn't a Russian exercise, the attack on the
Ukrainian people... there are guilty people, but they aren't the
Russian nation." Wheatcroft, co-author of "the Years of Hunger"
wrote,
"...nothing is gained by exaggerating the levels of deaths, by claiming
that this was genocide, or that it was inflicted on Ukraine deliberately."
In 2003 my late mother and brother began rescuing Gareth from obscurity.
Soon after they were contacted by émigré Ukrainian ultra-nationalists
who began funding their work and travel. They allowed themselves to become
uncritical foot-soldiers using Gareth in a campaign to have the 'Holodomor'
recognized as a genocide in parliaments across the world.
They were copied in on emails that included leading members of the OUN-B and,
unwittingly, found themselves connected to Ukrainians implicated in the
Holocaust such as the
Nazi death camp guard
and former Chief
of the Association of Ukrainians in Great Britain (AUGB), Dr Swiatomyr Fostun.
For them the goal was to bring Gareth the recognition he deserved.
At the time I don’t believe they had any awareness of the bigger political
or historical picture. A clue to the tactics of that campaign, and what
occurred in the Senedd, is in an email copied to my mother by
Peter Borisow,
a 'Holodomor' activist and “a personal advisor to multiple Ukrainian
prime ministers” on 23 June 2004. He wrote,
"If we're to get genocide resolutions for... the Holodomor, we need to
banish the word "famine" from our vocabulary and train ourselves and our
friends and supporters to use only the words "genocide" and "Holodomor".
This is not an issue of politics or history or facts... This is communication,
mass media marketing, advertising and promotion, selling our story -
pure and simple. Words are our tools to shape our future by defining our
past. We need to choose and use the right tools for the right job.
That's why this is so important. 1933. Genocide. Holodomor. 10 million.
Repeat it to all, again and again. Until everyone recognizes it instantly."
Does this explain why "history" and "facts" were so lacking in
the Senedd debate?
The words genocide and holodomor were indeed repeated
"again and again", both appearing 24 times. The words industrialisation,
collectivisation and Bolshevik, the words Gareth used to
describe the causes of the famine, never appear once. Russia appears
11 times, and Putin nine times, even more than the word Stalin.
Why? Was the point of the Senedd debate to understand history and remember
those who tragically died in unimaginable horror? Or was it an exercise
in weaponising their deaths, and the Welsh hero and pacifist Gareth Jones,
to demonise Russia and bolster the war effort?
A parliament should be a place for debate. But no debate took place that
day and no historical facts were discussed. There was no scrutiny by other
MSs or the Press and the outcome of the 'debate' appears to have been
decided before the proceedings began. On the extremely grave matter of
accusing Russia of genocide, it seems the Senedd just rubber-stamped what
was presented to them by Ukrainian lobbyists.
The one MS who one might expect to have been better informed, and who spoke
at length in the debate, was Mick Antoniw, born in England to a Danish
mother and Ukrainian father. It is hard to imagine he wouldn’t have known,
for example, that the figure of 10 million was a calumny but said nothing
to challenge it. He brings in Gareth Jones and states correctly that he
"reported on the famine in Ukraine and its causes" but declines to mention
that the causes he outlined go against the charge of ethnic genocide being
levelled by the Senedd.
Instead Antoniw leans heavily on the words of the lawyer Raphael Lemkin,
the person who originally coined the term 'genocide'. In 1953, Lemkin
stated that the famine was a 'classic example of Soviet genocide, the
longest and most extensive experiment in Russification, namely the
extermination of the Ukrainian nation'.
This is a powerful statement, much relied upon by 'Holodomor as genocide'
advocates, and coming from such a towering figure in the world of genocide
legislation it commands attention. But, unlike Jones, Lemkin was not a
witness and was speaking at a time when no academic research had yet been
undertaken on the famine. In fact, respected Ukrainian historian Professor
Jean-Paul Himka
disputes the very impartiality of Lemkin’s position.
Himka wrote, "The invention of the concept of genocide did not automatically
give Lemkin the historical knowledge necessary to determine whether any
particular case fit his definition or not... His thinking about Ukraine
came later in the Cold War... at which time Lemkin was both marginalized
and impoverished. He was, in fact, at that time dependent on the Baltic
and Ukrainian communities for material support... Lemkin did not himself
study the Ukrainian situation independently, but relied on information
he obtained directly from émigré nationalists."
Mick Antoniw is himself the descendant of an émigré ultra-nationalist.
His father, Mychajlo Pavlovich, was a
member of the fascist OUN-B
in Zolochiv, scene of the notorious
OUN-B and Nazi-orchestrated Zolochiv pogrom,
one of the first acts of the Holocaust in July 1941. Due to that association
his father was unable to return home after the war and arrived in the UK at
the same time that thousands of Ukrainians who had collaborated with the
Nazis were seeking sanctuary in the West to escape Soviet retribution.
Mick Antoniw has never publicly elaborated on his father's precise role in
the war, as far as I am aware, but himself has been pictured holding the
red and black ‘blood and soil’ flag
associated with the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). This is not an innocent
flag. It belonged to the notorious armed wing of the OUN-B, an outfit heavily
implicated in the Holocaust
and the mass murder of as many as
100,000 Poles in Volhynia.
According to Marvin Rotrand, national director of the League for Human Rights
at B'nai Brith Canada,
"the flag is consistently recognized as a fascist emblem and a hate symbol throughout the international community."
When Deputy Prime Minister of Canada Chrystia Freeland, granddaughter of a
Ukrainian Nazi collaborator, was
photographed in 2022 displaying the same red and black colours
of the UPA she was attacked by many in the Canadian media with one
conservative website saying she had been "caught holding [a] pro-Nazi banner"
that was "promoting a far-right Ukrainian Nationalist movement linked to
Neo-Nazis and extremism." She deleted the image and was forced to issue a
statement,
"We condemn all Far Right and extremist views and organizations".
Gareth Jones' untimely death was an incalculable loss to the world and a
devastating tragedy to our family, the pain of which we still bear today.
His murder silenced a voice that had fearlessly spoken up for Stalin's
voiceless victims who included Russians, German colonists, Kazakhs as well
as Ukrainians.
In recent years he has been recognised as a Welsh hero, a man of truth and
integrity who warned against the folly of nationalism and who spent his life
in the service of peace. That he should have his story falsified on the
floor of the Welsh Parliament for ultra-nationalist political purposes is
a matter of great regret. And tragically, a year on from this debate, with
anti-Russian sentiments enflamed, we are no nearer to seeing the end of a
conflict that has claimed thousands of lives on both sides.
end.
This article was due to be published as an opinion piece on the
Nation.Cymru news website on the 25th October 2024. Nation.Cymru pulled it
from publication at the last minute due to pressure from the politicians
it criticizes.
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